Ignacio Zuleta
02/02/2020 - 19:51
- Clarín.com
- Politics
Peronism builds extravagant governments, like this one
It did not cost Alberto Fernández much to be president, typed for a candidacy that had popular support. The entire career of a politician was saved by building a successful identification with those represented. It is dressed with that of the same rarity that other extravagant presidencies of Peronism had . Eduardo Duhalde was appointed by Congress to end the term for which he had competed with Fernando de la Rúa in 1999, and for which he lost. He had to complete the period as if he were the substitute. Another who agreed after losing at the polls was Nestor Kirchner, defeated in 2003 in the first round by Carlos Menem. He assumed when the Rioja got off the ballot.
Those extravagances were toxic to the system. Duhalde resigned the reelection cornered by protests for the death of two piqueteros in a jurisdiction that was not his own - administered by Felipe Solá, who served as substitute for Carlos Ruckauf. That served to scratch his body and convince him that he could not repeat. An enormity because Peronism had no opposition after the radical debacle of 2001. Nor could it retain power . He was a victim of the fragility of origin; It came from the Senate, not from the street. Nestor did not repeat either. He believed that in 2007 he could lose the elections for a second term. He chose another toxic commitment, such as the alliance with the radicals of the Plural Concertación. The motto of that campaign was "Cristina, Cobos and me".
Successful tournaments
Alberto, also wounded by the president's mark , searches the world for some scenarios that show him as a leader with autonomy, and independent of a franchise that will take an exam at any time, and that can be renewed or not . Rehearse tournaments where you do muscle and where you win. They are long marathons with a guaranteed finish, as if they were races in the gym belt . How can he not be victorious if he sent his chief of staff to agree with the opposition the approval of the Guzman law, which this week will be law in an express session of the Senate? Who can think that he was going to fight with Pope Francis in the Vatican? Who can believe that at Monday’s dinner with Angela Merkel in Berlin, she may suffer some rebuff in the support claim for a default solution at the IMF?
That exit is assured, even if they do perspire. He and Martín Guzmán, who joined this delegation, along with Julio Vitobello, presidential secretary. The Economy Minister added a novel appointment to his tour, a dinner almost alone , late on the night of Rome on Wednesday 5, with Kristalina Georgieva . On this lady Alberto received a special recommendation from the Italian premier Giuseppe Conte, to assess its political importance: "She must have been the president of the European Union." We will see.
The tribulations of a president without a mandate
The relationship between the Nation and the City suffers another toxic effect of this pampa institutionality, with mirages of power. Alberto won the president elections by 8 points, but lost them in the CABA against Mauricio Macri by 17 points. Did Alberto receive a mandate in this election to attack the finances of his Cambiemos opponents, in a district that denied him the vote? These digital presidencies do not have an express mandate , and the positions are freed at the doubtful whim of the chosen one. The current head of the Buenos Aires government won the 55% charge before Peronism. Its defenders claim that its prestige exceeds 70%.
Is it legitimate for a winning president in the Nation but a loser in the City to aim to demolish his adversaries, just where Peronism does not exceed 35% of the votes? It is to review the behaviors and put on balance these institutional oddities of presidents who come to office without the construction of power in citizenship, as any democratic process provides. It is a delicate matter, because in Chile everyone thought they lived an institutional paradise. The Joker arrived and the giant of feet of mud collapsed. The relations between the Nation and the City reach a critical point: can the national government bear that Horacio Rodríguez Larreta goes out to say that the city's police cannot collect the salary? Who will be the victim of that campaign? Fernandez has built a cabinet of Buenos Aires, who will walk again through the City. Don't let the bellies come back for the Bullrich Patio confectionery.
What did Francisco and Alberto speak alone
The same music accompanies other battles. Alberto raises his convictions about abortion and takes them to the Vatican. Did you choose a candidate because what you thought of decriminalization? Who told you that that was the reason for being nominated as president? Francisco seemed to understand that he is more alive than everyone, when he eluded the matter in the solo talk.
- What do you need? Asked Father Jorge.
- That they help me.
- I will help him. I am helping you. He doesn't know everything I do every day to help him.
The visitor sought some closeness and told him that he had chosen the diplomat María Fernanda Silva to be an ambassador.
- She is an intelligent woman - Francisco muttered - and unchecked: but there were no problems with the others.
He made it clear that he didn't think about names. Smile, Ambassador Bellando. Who did smile was Felipe Solá, whom Francisco tweeted:
- Hi, I haven't seen you for a long time.
It sounded like a reproach for not having visited him before. Felipe joined the Los Laudatos group in 2016, when he had already assumed Macri and Solá was in front. So much that -ccount-Macri had offered him the embassy in Mexico and rejected it ("I am an opponent," he replied). In the debate about the decriminalization of abortion, Solá supported the Yes and thought it could have angered Francisco .
The Pope is against abortion, but he has reservations about those who, in his words, protect the two lives only within the mother's womb: they must be protected inside and outside the mother's womb. The Pope sent him to say, through a mutual friend, that he understood. He was pardoned . Other instances more deprived of their relationship will not be counted here. Personal. Let them count them.
Abortion: the risk of singing to Gardel
More picturesque was the delegation's dialogue with Secretary Pietro Parolin, who told him about the protection of life from conception . Alberto, who has the hands of the Buenos Aires polemicist, understood that he was able to sing to Gardel. He reminded him that he knew about abortion, because he taught Criminal Law, that he had read St. Augustine and St. Thomas, and knew his conclusions that the embryo had no soul until 45 days, or until the body had no human form . And now, he added, notice that there are doctors who say that the fetus has pain only at three months, when the nervous system is formed.
Alberto covered him with explanations of a 1,000-day Plan, which he thinks to protect mothers who are not determined to raise their children, giving them protection for the first three months of life. It is a renewed version of plans that were governed by Daniel Scioli and Juan Manuel Urtubey. Parolin, who has experience in third worlds, smiled, told him that the position of the Church was what it was, and that they could not say otherwise. Let's change the subject.
He offered mediation with Venezuela
More horizontal was the dialogue about Venezuela. The Vatican has run out of libretto after efforts in the region failed. He is critical of Nicolás Maduro, because he delayed accepting some plan to overcome the crisis, and with that he gained time to assert himself. They agreed to criticize the United States plan to accentuate the blockade. The blockade is hunger and business for those who triangulate.
- What can you do? Parolin was interested.
- I can offer mediation together with Mexico.
Go on commission. The host complained about the situation of Catholicism in the region, which recedes from the advance of churches of reformed Christianity or other animist sects, and far from Roman piety. The centers of this expansion are Mexico and Brazil, the countries with more Catholics in the region and who have evangelical presidents. Parolin explained - in a very nice cocoliche - the difference between evangelists and Pentecostals - they would be the most serious - and the televangelists - which are actually franchises that are sold, he explained. Alberto, who has an answer for everything, sang to Gardel again:
- You should rely on the personality of Pope Francis, on the reforms he proposes for the Church, on the priests villeros. They will make the Church regain ground.
Andá.
Larreta awaits response from Alberto and Cristina: is it political or cash distribution?
In all these photographs it comes out gracefully, when in reality nobody could expect anything else. It is legitimate to conclude the agreement with the opposition, a rarity for belligerent Argentina. This chain is missing a link: a second agreement to close the fight with the Buenos Aires administration of Larreta. It is the consideration that explains the opposition support to the Guzman law and also to the suspension of the Fiscal Consensus, which benefits the Nation and the provinces. The negotiators of both sides expect the two heads of the government, Cristina and Alberto, to be issued on the mess. In the second lines, which handle Excel spreadsheets with the cut of the CABA co-participation, they are not clear about the nature, nor the solution, of the differences. That is only resolved in the dome. Is it a political fight or a financial difference?
For Larreta, it is a political bid that seeks to overthrow the government with a cut in funds that can reach a point of secondary co-participation. Financial is a disguise. That is why he sent to ask what the government is going to do, in these terms: if the cut is half a point - about $ 18,000 - we close it already, and that we have already paid it by approving with votes of Change the suspension of the Fiscal Consensus. If the knife is one point - about $ 36,000 million - we go to war . Peronism negotiators wait for Alberto from Europe to return, something that will happen on Thursday. Larreta's envoys are interested in another interconsultation: ask Cristina. On the other side of the line, a smile of commitment. They believe that it is an advantage that the other does not know who is in charge. But on the other side, they know who's in charge.
The slippery vote that insures taxes to the provinces
The PRO, which is in the ideological antipodes of Peronism, and more in point to the existence of regressive taxes such as Gross Income (IIBB), supported the project of the ruling party. He contributed 26 positive votes to this suspension of the tax cut , over the 34 deputies that force has. Half of those legislators identify with the federal sub-block that encourages the Monzó-Frigerio-Massot trio, who have an alliance with Larreta in the City that has meant government positions, such as the position of director of the City Bank of Massot . Rationality was imposed this time on ideology. They gave the Government another hand and, incidentally, protected Larreta's backpack. This sector reproaches the radicals and the Elisa Carrió Coalition that they have disregarded the interest of the opposition leaders in protecting their income. It is the tip of some differences that have to do with the leadership dispute that we live Change for this new stage.
Carrió had announced that he would vote against that suspension, to be consistent with his program of lowering taxes - the Coalition is the only party that proposes such oddities as reducing taxes. In radicalism the positions were changing . The majority of the bloc rejected the initiative, with exceptions such as those of Jujeños deputies and some of the Capitals, such as Carla Carrizo or Emiliano Yacobitti, who also supported the shielding of Larreta and took distance from the Carrió bench, which integrates the same coalition with they. For the fine internism couch, there is the rejection of the deputy of the PRO Omar De Marchi, the abstention of the radicals Alfredo Cornejo, Jimena Latorre, Claudia Najul, Luis Petri and Federico Zamarbide, who voted against what could be the interest of their governor Rodolfo Suarez In the meeting of the table of Change of last Tuesday there was a turn of debate of those dissidences . The whole of the governors, partisan and legislative heads made a song to the unity of the party in the 45 days following December 10. A merit for a force that does not have a personalized leadership in a figure and with a Macri out of the scene.
The claim of the coalition ideologues, such as Jesús Rodríguez, of the need to have a method for making decisions worked here. Until now it worked . But Gerardo Morales made the warning about the need to maintain that unity, but also to find a method to make differences tolerable. This was an opportunity and we must wait for the consequences forward. For the anecdote, which cleans, sets and gives splendor (such as the SAR), there are open riddles , such as the absence of PRO chiefs such as Cristian Ritondo, Carmen Polledo or Luciano Laspina, in such an important session. They had traveled believing Massa that there would be no sessions until February . He also missed the absence of Alejandra Vigo, wife of Juan Schiaretti. The deputies who respond to the governors were out of the game when the block to which they belong failed to impose the commission to review all provincial debts. Can Córdoba be left out of this agreement, and more if the author was Mario Negri, opponent of Schiaretti? Another historical fact: the national table of Cambiemos met Tuesday in the office of Negri in the Congress. Another symbol of power.