An uninhibited media blitz is intended to convince us that Israeli democracy was defeated by the right • Indeed, our democracy is in danger - but from the direction of the High Court • Opinion

The rumors of the death of Israeli democracy were too early. For the past week, we have been in a media blitz where journalists, organizations and politicians are shouting outcries of Israeli democracy.

We all know that the Minister of Justice has closed the courts by order of his master, Benjamin "Erdogan" Netanyahu, to prevent the trial. The fact that this lie was refuted by the President of the Supreme Court, and that the courts of the world were reduced due to the Corona, did not interfere with the outcry. In the discussion, this was particularly noticeable.

The establishment of the regular committee and the establishment of the various Knesset committees in favor of the ISA's cellular monitoring were hardly addressed by the court. Everyone was clear that there was no dispute here, and just as the Speaker of the Knesset said last week, the Knesset will convene today, in accordance with the law and the regulations. , And select the committees. With or without the High Court. There is nothing to see, you can move forward, parliamentary supervision will begin its work and no one thought for a moment to prevent it.

The rumors of the death of Israeli democracy were too late. The fact that the Supreme Court thinks that in its authority to decide how to manage the Corona crisis, to make professional, economic and medical decisions, without training and knowledge, indicates that in Israel long ago there is no democracy. It is unclear why we went to the Knesset repeatedly, when we are under High Court.

Yesterday's discussion is another phase of the chain. Basic Law: The Knesset explicitly states that the Knesset's work order will be determined by the Knesset, by law or bylaw. The court's involvement in the determination of house order is a violation of the principle of separation of powers. Imagine the storm that would have occurred if the Speaker of the Knesset had tried to intervene in the judges' assemblies discussing the case, or the Minister of Justice had ordered the postponement of the High Court hearing.

It is clear to everyone that part of the separation of powers is a specific area where no other authority is involved. The Knesset Attorney General tried to explain to the judges "not every issue that comes to your door must be decided." At the time of writing, it is unclear whether the top judges listened to Linnon.

The lengthy debate in the High Court on questions that lie at the core of the Knesset's authority and should be subject to the decisions of elected officials is proof that Israeli democracy, at least as it depends on the High Court, is long dead.

Rumors of the death of Israeli democracy can be disproved by the Speaker of the Knesset. As mentioned, it is not clear at this stage whether the Supreme Court will choose to intervene, but Edelstein can and should maintain the independence of the Israeli legislature.

With all due respect, Edelstein's authority derives its power from the provisions of the Basic Law. Disobedience to judgments rendered unauthorized is an extreme tool, but the Court's involvement in the Knesset's activities is extreme. He can say to the Supreme Court: "No!" And save the separation of powers and Israeli democracy.