Dr. Yossi Beilin finished his last article ("The Opportunity Is Not Enough Reason," 09.06) in our exchange series, Question: What is my solution to the Palestinian question? I will open with a Jewish answer, namely: Is it possible to conceive a "solution" that the Palestinians do not "

I think we must provide a solution. We have to reject the role of responsible adults, as opposed to the leg-seamen on the other side, who also occasionally burn the club. Such a form of confrontation pushes the" responsible "side to structural inferiority. An artist can explain the thing better than me by basic rules of game theory. 

We don't have to solve a puzzle here. We must decide a historic struggle. We thought (me too) in the early 1990s that the struggle had already been decided in favor of Zionism, and now it was only to determine the achievement of a divisional agreement with the Palestinian national movement. She terrorized us with peace proposals and proved to us that we were wrong: she intends to continue the fight against us with the help of demographic grounding in the Arab world and the insistence on denying our national self-determination right.

It is our duty to win this fight, not to seek UN solutions, so to speak. The road - not a utopian "solution" formula, but a way to go - is first and foremost a clear counterterrorism of the main Palestinian strategy, which is demographic. And the Arab world to flood Israel with immigrants of all kinds: Palestinians, non-Palestinians, and others. They hurt Israeli power, but keep an eye on the demographic supremacy of Arabs throughout the region. Our way to win this fight is to place an iron wall, Jabotinsky and Ben Self-deception is forbidden, in the words of Moshe Dayan at Roy Rothberg's Tomb ("Don't Turn Our Eyes Lest We Be Weak"): There will be no peace, "solution" in Beilin's tongue, as long as the dawn of the movement's destruction hopes Palestinian National. 

so why now? because later may be too late, and will be confronted with claims weight International Lhbr between the Palestinians and the Arab world and it bring upon ourselves a demographic catastrophe nearly happened (and with our consent, including consent, unfortunately). We must create a political structure To prevent Arab immigration to the entire Western Israeli.

There is a "window of opportunity". The Arab world is unprecedentedly weak. An important part of it, including Jordan, depends on Israel "thanks" to Iran. The Palestinians are deeply divided, relatively isolated, and their leadership has been exposed in all its depravity and corruption and suffers from internal legitimacy. The US government is friendly to Israel. Even if it were to be replaced by a hostile government (and this is not at all a certainty, as the intimidations of ours) - it will find it difficult to blame the State of Israel, because it acted in concert with the US. And the State of Israel will find it difficult to return to it, even under such pressure, because The law will require a referendum or a majority of 80 Knesset members (as laid down in Basic Law: Referendum) .Our "European friends" in the EU have weakened significantly after the Barracks, and Europe is divided in its stance on Israel. And improved foreign relations to help it withstand international pressures, and it enjoys a center-right and left-wing government that can carry out the law and deal with the intimidation propaganda that overwhelms us (for example, the blatant lie in the "calculation" of "commanders for Israel's security" about the cost of applying the law In the valley and in the settlement blocs) 

 . It is unstable. He has no international political base. After applying the law, our mission will be to stabilize the Jordanian border's legitimacy in the international arena. Sometimes the process is long, as in Jerusalem and the Golan, and it has not yet completed all its needs. In contrast, we erased the boundaries of the 1947 international agenda faster (though not before Operation Kadesh). Nowadays no one requires us to "return" Nahariya or Eilat. A long process for establishing the Jordanian border should begin with a clear declarative act of applying the law, which opens up enormous settlement and development opportunities on our East Avenue.

Prof. Avi Barali is a lecturer at the Ben-Gurion Institute for Israel Studies and Zionism at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev