Paul biffi
11/10/2020 17:28
Clarín.com
World
Updated 11/10/2020 6:26 PM
Two requests for "vacancy" in two months, with arguments that do not exist in the Constitution of Peru, based on alleged crimes of corruption that have not been proven - a president cannot be tried in the exercise of his office, according to article 117-
denounced by obscure anonymous characters who are candidates to be "effective collaborators"
, makeup photos and other documents that are part of an investigation process on the activities of the now former president Martín Vizcarra, data that the Prosecutor's Office has not validated.
Beyond how the investigations are progressing now that Vizcarra does not have immunity, everything sounds
too murky
to believe in the legality of the dismissal and in the wielded fight for transparency in a Congress full of parliamentarians investigated by the Judiciary (68 out of 130) and in that of the parties that promoted it, whose leaders are in prison or were about to go to jail with their bones.
A Congress, moreover, that because it is unicameral, does not have a Chamber that accuses and another that judges - as in the United States, as seen in the impeachment of Donald Trump - and that relied on a figure, "moral incapacity", that has not yet been endorsed by the Constitutional Court, which must define its validity or not to remove a president.
A Congress
that does not act on proven facts
, but based on the interests of its members.
All this "palace coup" was orchestrated by an old political class punished by society in the 2018 referendum promoted by Vizcarra and which pointed to a broad reform, which prevented, for example,
that leaders prosecuted for corruption can aspire to charges
of popular election and, therefore, his immunity.
And, also, for the massive support for the constitutional dissolution of Congress in 2019, which left many of those figures out of the new Parliament.
In September 2019, protected by the Constitution and overwhelming popular support, Vizcarra dissolved the Congress that since 2016, dominated by Fujimori under the orders of the defendant Keiko Fujimori, had torpedoed the government in its fight against corruption.
From those elections a new Parliament emerged,
more opaque than that one
and with the same parties thirsty for revenge.
After having survived the first vacancy motion last September and without its own bench to defend him, Vizcarra's fate seemed cast: Congress was waiting for the opportunity to collect old bills from him.
Last September in the previous vacancy request, Martín Vizcarra and the president of the Peruvian Congress, Manuel Merino.
Photo Xinhua
In mid-September, statements were leaked to the prosecutor's office by several aspiring "effective collaborators" - reporters offering information in exchange for legal benefits - in which they accused Vizcarra of acts of corruption when he was governor of Moquegua, between 2011 and 2014 According to the accusations, he
would have received some 650,000 dollars
to grant two public works, the regional hospital and another for irrigation.
As said, the accusations were not corroborated or accepted yet by the Prosecutor's Office as valid and they come from three witnesses whose names are not known.
To finish explaining the picture, we must review who were the promoters of the "vacancy", the fourth that has been promoted in the same presidential term, since 2016: two with Pedro Pablo Kuczynski -who resigned before the second request in March 2018 - and two with Vizcarra.
One of them was Unión por el Perú
(UPP), an ultra-nationalist and populist party, whose "spiritual" leader is Antauro Humala, a former military man and brother of former president Ollanta Humala between 2011 and 2016, sentenced to 19 years in prison for a coup. coup plotter.
His amnesty so that he can be a candidate for president in 2021, which already seems to be under way, explains the moralistic desire.
The other figure in the party is Edgar Alarcón, a congressman and former attorney general, on whom several complaints of corruption weigh and whom his peers have shielded to death.
Another case is that of Podemos Peru
.
The prosecution last week ordered the arrest of its founder, José Luna Gálvez, accused of having corrupted officials to achieve the registration of his party.
Luna owns the Telesup university, closed for failing to meet the minimum quality standards, which has led his party to try from Congress to dismantle the educational reform promoted by Vizcarra.
But the most tragic, if you will,
is that of the right-wing Popular Action
, founded by two-time President Fernando Belaúnde Terry.
Party, also, of another democrat, Valentín Paniagua, the president of the democratic transition after the flight of Alberto Fujimori in 2000 and that led the country to normality from November of that year until July 2001, when he handed over power to the winner of the elections, Alejandro Toledo.
A party that has bled to death in power struggles and for power, denied by popular votes.
A party, too, of which Manuel Merino, the new president, a provincial chief who does not enjoy the popular sympathies that his co-religionists did.
It is the same as in the previous vacancy attempt, he distributed ministries without having assumed and asked the Armed Forces for their support when he arrived at the Pizarro Palace.
Then it failed.
Today you have it.
In this context, it would not be strange for Merino to advance over the Judiciary,
to become the president of impunity.
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