editorial
Written by: Hong Kong 01
2021-06-07 06:00
Last update date: 2021-06-07 06:00
Last Friday (June 4) was the 32nd anniversary of the "June 4th" incident. The police issued a notice of objection to the candlelight gathering originally scheduled to be held by the Stake on the grounds of epidemic prevention, and cited the "Public Security Ordinance" to block Victoria Park. For the first time in many years, the football field, basketball court and the central lawn area did not see candlelight lit up on June 4th.
In addition, the police also deployed defensive lines throughout Hong Kong. They not only set up roadblocks at the entrances of tunnels in the afternoon to search for vehicles, but also stepped up patrols in other areas to intercept nearby street stations and citizens.
Although the stake has publicly stated that it will not hold a rally in Victoria Park, there were still sporadic conflicts between some citizens who went to the commemorative activities and the police that night, and there were a few clamors and road blocking scenes.
Regardless of whether there is a memorial assembly or not, "June 4th" is a special and heavy day for Hong Kong people. The history of "June 4th" incident in 1989 has not completely become a thing of the past.
Moreover, when the "1989 Democracy Movement" broke out, it was at the sprint stage of the work of the Hong Kong Basic Law Drafting Committee. At that time, the main decision maker in Beijing was Deng Xiaoping, who advocated the concept of "One Country, Two Systems". The June Fourth incident naturally affected Hong Kong. How people perceive the Chinese government, including how Hong Kong returns to Chinese rule, the emigration waves that have occurred in the past reflect the sentiment in Xiongzhong.
Today, thirty-two years later, some people even link their mourning for "June 4th" with the current Chinese Communist regime and the situation in Hong Kong. They even complained that Hong Kong's "one system" was no longer able to meet at Victoria Park on the night of June 4th. .
Citizens outside the enclosed Victoria Park displayed a copy of the Ta Kung Pao 32 years ago, showing how the newspaper reported the June 4th incident that year.
(Photo by Liang Pengwei)
Hong Kong society is deeply influenced by Western liberalism and capitalism, while the mainland is under the leadership of socialism with Chinese characteristics. There are inherent contradictions and conflicts between the two systems.
However, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region under Chinese sovereignty has chosen to operate under the "one country, two systems" model, which provides a space that allows the two to reconcile each other. Therefore, the June Fourth Movement has never been a taboo in Hong Kong. The Victoria Park Candlelight Rally has been held legally for many years.
However, it can be seen from the political and social events in Hong Kong in recent years that "one country, two systems" has gradually become overly prominent in the distinction of "two systems" and has become more and more indifferent to "one country."
A few years ago, some local organizations even ridiculed the "June 4th" rally for "giving etiquette". The participants were "Great China Glue", in an attempt to create a confrontation between the two identities.
Of course, many Hong Kong people still care about the country.
The Stake Association was established in May 1989 with the original intention of organizing Hong Kong citizens to support the "patriotic" democratic movement in Tiananmen Square in Beijing.
After the "June 4th" incident, it put forward the five guidelines, including the two requirements of "redressing the 1989 pro-democracy movement and investigating the responsibility of the massacre." Later, as the mainland and Hong Kong changed and the generations changed, the Stake Association adjusted some specific requirements. Specific short-term goals of the Chinese Communist Party’s policies, and have successively added new slogans such as "Passing on the Fire", "Educating the Next Generation, Taking the Democracy Stick", "Supporting Rights Protection" and "Don't Forget June 4th, Inherit the Heroes' Aspirations." Development attention and care.
Last Friday (June 4) was the 32nd anniversary of the "June 4th" incident. The police issued a notice of objection to the candlelight gathering originally scheduled to be held by the Stake on the grounds of epidemic prevention, and cited the "Public Security Ordinance" to block Victoria Park. For the first time in many years, the football field, basketball court and the central lawn area did not see candlelight lit up on June 4th.
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The Mainland's continuous change and development need to be continuously updated
However, the national conditions of the Mainland are not limited to these aspects, and developments in various aspects are constantly changing, which requires us to continuously update our understanding.
The "1989 Democracy Movement" has been 32 hot and cold, and the political climate and social environment in Hong Kong and the Mainland have also undergone major changes.
The return of Hong Kong’s sovereignty and the implementation of "One Country, Two Systems" needless to say, and the country’s achievements in various aspects are also obvious to all. For example, China did not rank among the top ten countries in terms of gross domestic product (GDP) in 1989, and became the second largest in the world since 2010. A large economy; another example is the International Transparency Organization’s "Corruption Perception Index" which began to compile in 1995. At first, China had a very low score of 21.6. Last year it nearly doubled to 42 points. Although it is still at the middle and lower reaches of the overall level, it is true. Significant progress.
If Hong Kong people stay in their previous knowledge of the Mainland and use Hong Kong's "one system" to examine China preconceivedly, it will naturally be prone to stereotypes and even political prejudices.
Take the "end of one-party dictatorship", which has caused many controversies in recent days and is one of the five guidelines of the Stake, as an example. As early as the 2018 National People's Congress passed the constitutional amendment, Wang Zhimin, then director of the Hong Kong Central Liaison Office, pointed out that " "Ending one-party dictatorship" is a "false proposition." In the declaration of the June Fourth mourning rally of the Stake in the same year, it asked tit-for-tatly: "What does "ending one-party dictatorship" mean? Doesn't it mean requesting party rotation. The latter's remarks reflect a preconceived tendency towards competitive party politics, as everyone does not realize that the mainland places more emphasis on governance than political competition.
In recent years, the political election chaos in European and American countries and the effectiveness of the mainland's response to the new crown epidemic should have caused people to reflect on ideas that were originally taken for granted. However, if the prejudice has been established, there is no way to update the understanding.
Another issue where there is a significant gap in perception between Hong Kong and the Mainland is the "rule of law."
This vocabulary can be seen not only in the demonstration slogans on Tiananmen Square in Beijing and the follow-up activities in Hong Kong to commemorate the "June 4th" incident, but also in the official documents of the CCP over the years.
However, all parties have been unable to reach a consensus on this common demand, and even accuse each other of what the other party has done to undermine the "rule of law."
The reason may be that Hong Kong people accept the Anglo-American common law tradition and tend to exclude socialist legal systems affected by the continental legal system based on their views and ideological distinctions. It is often difficult to take a positive view of the "rule of law" standards under other systems.
As early as the 2018 National People's Congress passed the constitutional amendment, Wang Zhimin, then director of the Liaison Office of the Hong Kong Central Committee, based on this, said that "ending the one-party dictatorship" was a "false proposition."
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Needless to say, some of the tough elements of the CCP’s governance have been retained, but this alone will not help us fully understand the conditions of the mainland and the CCP regime.
Past history cannot be used as an excuse for refusing to identify with new things, just as Beijing students put forward "anti-corruption" and "anti-bureaucratism" demands during the "1989 Democracy Movement". Isn't the Chinese government now also insisting on these propositions?
Back then, the country’s economic backwardness has been completely changed after reform and opening up.
Hong Kong under the "one country, two systems" cannot only be aware of Hong Kong's "one system," and not keep abreast of the times and look at the development of the country and the positive changes in society.
To mourn the "June 4th" original intention and benign interaction can only go far
Of course, this definitely does not mean that the "June 4th" incident should be left behind. The nature of the movement 32 years ago is still worthy of our attention. The hearts and minds of the victims and the families of the victims still need to be comforted.
The Chinese government's improper handling of the "June 4th" incident and the official evaluation of the "89 Democracy Movement" should also be reviewed.
However, the "June 4th" incident should not become a stumbling block that hinders the benign interaction between Hong Kong and the Mainland, nor should it become a political operation that resists the country.
As a matter of fact, the government has admitted mistakes and put forward fair conclusions about the history before June 4, such as the "Anti-Rightist Movement," "Great Leap Forward," and "Cultural Revolution." Hong Kong people generally do not have much grudges.
The saying that the CCP cannot admit its mistakes can be described as self-defeating.
If the scars of the June 4th Movement can be healed in the future, it will help increase the trust between the Yangtze River and Hong Kong, and unite the intellectuals and social hearts of the two places.
However, if dissatisfaction with the central government is allowed to grow before this, or if it is ignored, this self-deception ostrich mentality will not do much to ensure the long-term prosperity of Hong Kong.
If the scars of the June 4th Movement can be healed in the future, it will help increase the trust between the Yangtze River and Hong Kong, and unite the intellectuals and social hearts of the two places.
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This year, Hong Kong’s "June 4th" mourning activities have been restricted due to the epidemic, and may become sensitive due to the political atmosphere, which is undoubtedly undesirable for some people.
But the real question is how will the "June 4th" mourning activities go on after the epidemic?
How do Hong Kong people face and understand China?
Future organizers and participants should seriously reflect on how the event can regain its original intention, and not be led by local factions and radical voices.
On the other hand, the government and the establishment should also treat these activities with a calm mind, because they have formed part of the city's historical memory for many years and are an important manifestation of "one country, two systems."
The Stake is not only called "patriotism," but its backbone members have also initiated or participated in various activities to protect the sovereignty of the Diaoyu Islands and mourn the Nanjing Massacre over the years.
As long as the local laws are not violated, the voice of Hong Kong society out of caring for national affairs should have room for survival.
Can Hong Kong people still mourn for "June 4th"?
Hong Kong certainly can afford to mourn the "June 4th"
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