In the face of the suspicion of police-fishing spying on civilians, including the Netanyahu family, his associates and many others, a simple question arises: Who will interrogate the police and prosecutors?
Will the Ministry of Justice check itself?
Is it Adv. Amit Merri who will check on his behalf, whether the State Attorney's Office is in charge or a member of the police in criminal activity? Or is it the Police Investigations Department in the State Attorney's Office itself?
And more: how can we trust the entire government, and Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, to solve this police problem?
After all, the current government owes the State Attorney's Office the very circumstances that enabled its establishment.
Moreover, even now the very fact of blaming the prosecution and the ombudsman can undermine the basis of the government. What will convince us that it does not promote rendering through Advocate Merari in order to survive?
A very serious danger to our democratic regime was exposed here, as it crystallized after the legal coup of Aharon Barak.
The most serious political-legal disputes in our history have not come to such a risk.
In the Lavon case, for example, Prime Minister Ben-Gurion could have demanded a legal investigation, and in the Line 300 case we could have relied on the State Attorney's Office and the ombudsman.
Is it possible to trust them, when a moment ago the ombudsman Avichai Mandelblit wanted to whitewash the espionage of civilians by reducing the investigation to only the last two years, "without Netanyahu", and when Nir Hefetz's suspicions of torture and extortion were "checked" for him? On the Ministry of Justice in its current state, when recently the State Attorney Shai Nitzan, Barak's apprentice, completely eliminated the police investigation department, which was subordinate to him (as evidenced by reading the civil lawsuit filed against him by the dismissed deputy director, Adv. Moshe Saada)?
The State Comptroller announced: "I will also check the conduct of the Ministry of Justice and the State Attorney's Office in the NSO case"
How can one trust such a body to investigate itself, or the police that operated under its supervision, when a heavy cloud lay over the prosecutor's office in the Tax Authority affair and Tel Aviv District Attorney Ruth David, who was suspected of accepting bribes, and when the file regarding "burning" was destroyed?
The current bad situation is that the public representative in the Ministry of Justice, ie: the Minister of Justice, either ostensibly fears the State Attorney's Office or owes it its current political status.
How did we get into this situation?
Basically this is not a personal problem, but a structural one.
The reason for the depth is the unstoppable intensification of the jurists, and especially the ombudsman, the prosecutor's office and the Supreme Court.
The legal revolution initiated by Barak has unfolded slowly and steadily in recent decades, reaching a turning point in the creation of a predatory political machine.
And its predation is not a mere malfunction, but is structural to Barak's venture.
It is intended to deter legislators from repairing the damages of the jurists' takeover, the same damages that now stand out in the current crisis.
It is no coincidence that the lawyers in the State Attorney's Office sat against the "conspiracy" to appoint a body to review their work.
They were the spirit in Shai Nitzan's commentators, when he came to castrate the State Attorney's Audit Office, headed by Judge Hila Gerstel and then Judge David Rosen.
It does not occur to anyone today to turn to the Count who cleaned the stables in the State Attorney's Office.
He is helpless.
It is no coincidence that Nitzan also tried to take over the Institute of Forensic Medicine, another factor that could put a stop to the power of attorney.
The power created by Barak sought exclusivity, and achieved it.
As a result of Barak's "success," the State Attorney's Office is destined for corruption, in order to preserve its power (Nitzan) or make money (Ruth David), and we have nowhere to turn for clarification of suspicions.
Even if the government or the Supreme Court were to appoint a committee, its members would be loyal to the power structure that created the problem fundamentally: Barak's legal coup. They would defend the prosecution, a cornerstone of the coup. Of Netanyahu's aides.
An out-of-the-box constitutional solution is necessary here.
For example: the adoption of MKs Musi Raz 'proposal from Meretz and Shlomo Qara from the Likud, that the Knesset appoint and budget a special legal prosecutor to investigate the affair.
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