Prime Minister Naftali Bennett wished for the Knesset's spring break so that he could stabilize the faltering coalition. But the situation seems to be only getting worse. Even in the absence of the uncomplicated arena of the Knesset, in which the government relies on only 61 MKs, the ministers are unable to agree on almost any issue, and any proposed resolution immediately becomes a commotion.
The political situation has led some ministers to new ways of working, which allow them to easily skip over the Knesset hurdle, and sometimes even over the heads of their cabinet members.
Minister Matan Kahana failed to pass the conversion reform in the Knesset before it went on vacation?
Not bad, the reform will come anyway through a government decision.
Ayelet Shaked did not really ask her friends before she presented last week the outline of her refugee entry, which allows a small number of refugees to enter through state gates.
And Avigdor Lieberman, who saw that others could, allowed himself to carry out the reform in agriculture after long months of clash with the representatives of the farmers in the government, and simply signed an order, without legislation and without asking anyone.
Because in the days of the current government there is no leader in Israel, and a man who is honest in his eyes will do.
All the talk of harmony and cooperation between the ministers, which was at the beginning of the road, shattered very quickly to the ground of reality.
The unity government became the Partach government.
From harmony to cacophony.
Cabinet ministers arrived at the meeting this week charged.
Ayelet Shaked's decision to allow another 2,500 Ukrainian refugees to enter the country angered them.
They, who fought for the stay of tens of thousands of infiltrators from Africa in south Tel Aviv, are in no way willing to miss an opportunity for the entry of tens of thousands of Ukrainian war refugees.
Refugees from Ukraine receiving at Ben Gurion Airport (those photographed have nothing to do with what was said), Photo: Koko
With open arms, too
Shaked did not expect this ambush.
Not from the members of the left, to whom she actually came prepared.
Moreover, the more they attack her, the more radiant she goes, at least to her sense.
Nitzan Horowitz, Merav Michaeli and even Yair Lapid can attack her from morning to evening.
The more they scream - the more her supporters will embrace her.
The attack that surprised her came from the right-wing ranks in the government, led by Zeev Elkin.
The obvious lack of backing on Bennett's part also undermined her.
At the cabinet meeting, Elkin demanded not to restrict any refugees from Ukraine, and to admit anyone who wants to enter Israel.
According to Elkin, these are refugees who find it much easier to get here, than other countries in Europe, because sometimes Israel is the only country with relatives outside Ukraine or Russia.
Elkin further said that all the refugees will eventually return to their country.
It took only a few days from the time Shaked presented her first refugee policy, until she returned to it and presented her second refugee policy.
The difference between the two programs is dramatic.
An almost complete closure of the borders, Shaked opened them wide.
In the new plan there is in fact no numerical restriction on the entry of Ukrainians.
Anyone invited by a relative will be able to enter.
The right saw this as conclusive proof of their claim that Shaked could not be trusted, and that they were right when they insisted on inserting a clause stipulating maximum quotas in the Citizenship Law.
"10 degrees to the right has become a progressive left over full," Simcha Rotman tweeted following Shaked's second statement on the new refugee policy.
MK Yariv Levin clarified that when he attacked Shaked for her first policy, it was less about the quotas, which were quite limited, and more about foresight, her expected crispness and her inability to withstand the pressure.
The plaintiffs' entry of tens of thousands of refugees into Israel, who were furious at Shaked's quota, do not count the tens of thousands of refugees who are expected to arrive, according to government estimates, of those entitled to the Law of Return.
For them, Israel should be the number one refugee receiver in the world, as long as they are non-Jews.
Their strong desire to see Israel washed away by new immigrants depleting the Jewish population in Israel is no longer hidden.
Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked, Photo: Oren Ben Hakon
Subjective ideology
The progressive hypocrisy once again revealed its true face, when during that cabinet meeting two meaningless and outrageous remarks were made, which received a thunderous silence.
The first was Avigdor Lieberman's statement about the Ukrainians.
True, this was a joke.
This, however, never prevented the feminist sect from claiming their insult, including sacred rage and an immediate demand for dismissal.
Now the political consideration and desire to keep the government growing.
Therefore, the second statement, that of Nachman Shai, who justified the struggle for the entry of Ukrainian refugees and the neglect of Ethiopian refugees because "we are Europeans", was answered with a weak response.
Women's organizations, refugees and human rights have been silenced.
The only one who tried to make it clear that this was not a joke was Pnina Tamano Sheta, who also exaggerated when she said that all whites are racist towards blacks.
Lieberman's statement embodies everything that the feminist revolution, MeToo, the progressive movement and the like have vowed to condemn from within society.
Prominent representatives of these movements sit within the government, but their voices are silenced - including the minister who is so concerned with women's rights that she has been careful for years to bother and pronounce the plural inflection of the noun in the female language, contrary to language rules.
Apparently women's rights also have a limit, as this conflicts with the need to keep the current government on guard.
They were silent, by the way, even after blatant and ugly sexual performances waved by Balfour protesters towards the former prime minister's wife.
Probably for the same reason they're silent now.
As time goes on, it seems, more and more ministers will prefer to give up the clash in the Knesset or the government, and move straight to the bypass path of ministerial decisions and regulations, as they see fit.
It is no coincidence that this week Ophir Akunis, who has seen several governments rise and fall, said that the current government looks like a government at the end of its path.
The talk of Knesset members from the coalition regarding the possibility of them moving sideways and helping to overthrow it has already become visible, in the plenum or in the horseshoe behind it.
From Edith Silman and Nir Orbach, to others from other parties.
The opposition does not know whether the government will fall in the summer session or only in the following winter session, but according to the recent hints, it seems quite clear that a rotation between Bennett and Yair Lapid will not take place.
They are no longer committed to it, they say, and will not give it a hand.
The one who was supposed to revolt against the bypassing of the Knesset, the conversion law, the agricultural reform and more - is the Speaker of the Knesset, in whose role he must preserve the status of the legislature. Replace, and without it the head of the Israeli parliament will not move left and right.
The state role was and is no more.
In the days of Mickey Levy, the Knesset reached a historic low.
An absolute server tool in the hands of the government.
The incident in which Levy used his position to expel Knesset members from the "horseshoe", the same compound on the outskirts of the plenum that serves Knesset members as a kind of hidden lounge, using the Knesset Guard, only illustrates that Levy is not interested in the status of MKs, but the stability of the government , And especially the status of the direct boss who appointed him.
Knesset Speaker Miki Levy (Archive), Photo: Oren Ben Hakon
Michaeli goes all-in
Like many of its predecessors, the current Labor Party chairman seeks to change the party's constitution and adapt it to the new era, in which party leaders unquestionably control the party apparatus unhindered and without human intervention. Incessant, taking powers from elected institutions such as the conference or the secretary general, and strengthening and strengthening the status of the chairman. Ehud Barak did the same, both Shelly Yachimovich and Avi Gabay. In line with Putin's United Russia.
The first step will be to suppress opponents through the pocket.
To this day, from the early days of the party, every application to the Supreme Judicial Institution has been made free of charge.
From now on, anyone who wants to complain about an injustice or act that contradicts the constitution will have to pay 225 shekels out of his own pocket to the institution for clarifying petitions in order for his petition to be heard.
While at the national level, the work advocates judicial activism and the expansion of the right to stand, at the party level, the chairman pushes for its reduction.
The second step is to change the composition of the conference.
Under the guise of adding women to the conference, Michaeli will ask to attach 370 new conference delegates who will enter the top party institution without elections.
Some, by the way, are men at all.
What they all have in common is their loyalty to Michaeli.
Currently, Michaeli does not have a majority in the party conference in its current composition.
Through its control of the conference, Michaeli will, of course, seek to change the constitution.
Transfer control to the chairman, completely eliminating the need for a secretary general (elected by party members), and even the need for a conference, as well as changing the composition of the party's gatekeepers, such as the tribunal, the constitutional committee and the audit institution.
Minister Michaeli, Photo: Oren Ben Hakon
Changing the constitution is not a guarantee of success.
All the Labor leaders who were anxious about their status, and made far-reaching changes in the democratic spirit instilled by the founding fathers of the old party, were able to carry out their plot in the constitution - but failed to maintain their status.
As the status of the chairman grew, so did Labor from a ruling party to a niche party, and was pushed to the margins.
On Thursday, Michaeli will convene the conference to bring about the change she wants.
"Gather" is a big word compared to what it really will be.
Since its election, and under Corona constraints, all of the Center's conferences have been held in Zum, and voting by technological means.
Even after all the corona restrictions were lifted, Michaeli continued to "take extra care" and convene the conference via the Internet.
This will also be the case next Thursday, the date of the "convening" of the conference.
By the way, this time Michaeli even gave up on the appearance of a convention.
The speeches stage has also been cut, and conference delegates will be able to enter the party website, vote, exit and move on.
But Michaeli's success is not guaranteed.
The party territory is on fire.
WhatsApp groups are in turmoil.
There are quite a few who believe that this is a gathering battle for the preservation of democracy.
Although in the party tradition the conference usually aligns with the leader, especially when it comes to Sarah in the government, and for the first time in years she worked in a coalition, but for many it seems that the chairman went all out and if she wins. , The road to losing the lead will be shorter than thought.
In the Likud, however, the situation is completely reversed.
In November, there will be elections for the party conference, as required by the constitution, but no one - from the activists, through Knesset members to the former prime minister - has any interest in replacing it. Unnecessary.
Since Netanyahu was elected head of the Likud, unlike his Labor counterparts, he has hardly touched on the constitution.
Even today, when he wants primaries for the party leadership, he must wait for a decision on this in the executive.
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