"At the beginning of the period when the Bedouin tendency to buy land arose, they would seize land for themselves. These lands would not be asked of the government nor would they be bought from their owners, but any strong and violent could seize land for himself - one is if sheikh is he or the people. How? A Bedouin goes out to a piece of land that he likes, and shows those present the area that he has at his disposal and says: This is my land. "
These words were written by Araf al-Araf, the governor of the Be'er Sheva sub-district in the 1930s.
Al-Araf became famous when he edited the first Arab-national newspapers in Israel called "Southern Syria," in which he called for opposing the Balfour Declaration in real time.
In the events and riots of 1920-1919, al-Araf incited the crowd: "If we do not use force against the Zionists and against the Jews, we will never get rid of them."
The British judged al-Araf on incitement, but he escaped the sentence to Syria along with Amin al-Husseini.
All this to make it clear that al-Araf was far from being a Zionist, or had a special desire to support the Judaization of the Negev.
But as governor of the Be'er Sheva sub-district and as a historian, al-Araf wrote two books on Bedouin society that clarify how things were conducted a hundred years ago.
The bookcase "Bedouin",
By the way, if you served in the IDF until 2000 and reached the Southern Command in Be'er Sheva, you probably visited Al-Araf's house many times.
A gaping chasm between two sides
Al-Araf's quote appears in Meir Deutsch's new book, "Bedouin" (Sela Meir Publishing).
Deutsch serves as the director general of the Regavim movement, whose stated goal is "to establish a Jewish and Zionist agenda for the State of Israel in terms of land, environment and human rights."
So the book is immediately suspected of being a politically biased manifesto, of the kind in which the plot, morality of the mind and the storm that will take place are known, even before you have read a word.
But this is not the case: here the content is very far from what might be construed from the book cover.
This is a book that challenges the political dividing lines, and is a must-read for anyone who wants to understand from what environment the killer plant came from.
Much has been written about Bedouin society, in various aspects.
"Bedouin", however, deviates from the position of distant academic research or from the outraged talkbackist reactions.
Deutsch presents a complex, surprising and courageous look at times, on the variety of problems and challenges in integrating Bedouin society within Israeli society on all levels: historically, politically, administratively, nationally and culturally.
Even if you do not agree with him, it is difficult to disagree with the facts he brings.
Deutsch smiles wearily, he is already accustomed to being suspected.
"I propose to sever the suffocating connection between the regulation of land and the regulation of the population, that is, to settle the scattering on lands that are not in conflict; settling Bedouin on land that is in a claim of ownership - will not succeed."
"All our activity is to reach a solution, our goal is to change policy. The problem is that in the Negev it is very difficult to change policy, because there is no policy to change. The State of Israel has never said - this is what needs to be done, 40-30 years ahead, what will happen here? And how will it be here. "
We drive on the main road of the town of Lakia, on the one hand flashing garlands in shop windows, next to the Arabic-Hebrew that hangs over computer and communication shops, clothes for celebrations, and the current hit in Bedouin cuisine - Mexican food.
But on the other side of the road, another world.
"It's the difference," Deutsch points out, "both sides have Ackerstein infrastructure and sidewalks, but one side succeeds and the other side destruction. The right side is the regulated area and the left side is an area of land ownership claims. This street is a microcosm of the problem involved in The Bedouin settlements together with the land claim. A clear example of how the state knows how to bring the food to the plate, but it does not know how to feed. It is important for me to clarify, I do not come to blame this or that group. "But at the end of the day, it's an outgrowth of this conduct."
You are careful in your language to speak politically, but Eran Doron, head of the Ramat Negev council, who is far from being identified with the right, told me that if we do not work on a solution now, we will have to prepare for war.
"People think I're a racist but I do not. We try to change the consciousness and understanding of what a Bedouin is. When you say to most people - a Bedouin, they think of a camel, a tent, a pita and a tea, and that's it. The tours we give try to change that. Show people "The reality on the ground is very far from its image."
And what is the right image for you today?
"Thousands of permanent structures, a vehicle, a satellite dish and piles of debris."
Zero listening needs
Apparently everyone knows what the conflict is about - land, but Deutsch clarifies the complexity of the matter.
"The Bedouin migrated here around 1700. As is the case with nomadic populations, there was friction between the tribes. To prevent conflicts, the Ottoman government created a map of borders that the tribes were not allowed to cross. Large ones that were given then were about 100 dunams, according to the map it is hundreds of thousands of dunams for each tribe, it is quite clear that this is not a ownership map, and so the Israeli court has ruled over the years.
"Beyond that, the Ottoman government required them to register their lands, but the Bedouin refused. They did not want to pay taxes or enlist in the Ottoman army, for them to be nomads is to move under the regime's radar. To compare the situation of the Bedouin to the northern Arabs who registered the lands in their name, paid tax and are the landowners. In the north most of them also know Hebrew, some enlist in the IDF, they are more Western and there is no polygamy.
"After the War of Independence, the state wanted every citizen to have an address to receive the services he deserved and meet his obligations. But the 11,000 Bedouin at that time did not really live in the settlements. A tent, and another kilometer more tent. Dimona and Arad, and began the process of urbanizing the seven towns, including Lakia and Tel Sheva. It was a right move but they also made very stupid moves. There was no reference to the needs of the population. According to the clan structure. "
Hura Castle, Photo: David Peretz
In conversations with Bedouin youths, they claimed that settlement according to clans is one of the main causes of unrest and violent outbreaks.
"Yes, any quarrel between two children at school can end in a shootout. And this is exactly the problem that came to solve the establishment of a supra-tribal city of the Bedouin, which is supposed to be built between Lehavim and the Green Line."
One of the problems arose when the military government was abolished in the 1960s, and half of the Bedouin population in the Sage area moved into the towns. Especially the "slaves", the lowest class in Bedouin society who had no land. This exacerbated the problem, since what self-sustaining Bedouin would want to live next door to "slaves"?
"The movement is the opposite - a population that moves from the cities to the diaspora. In order to continue to regulate the status of land in the Negev, between 1967 and 1979, the State of Israel told the Bedouin: 'Come on, fill out a land claim form so we can settle the land once and for all. The Bedouin filled 3,200 claims. The court examined them one by one, and dismissed the claims. There are no Kushans, no proofs, no cases. To live on her, for he will be murdered.
We wander the neighborhoods of luxurious villa girl.
When I try to photograph one of the villas, a car driven by a teenager immediately appears, and in a voice that has not yet been replaced he asks: "Everything okay?", In a kind of implicit threat that we move away
"The State of Israel has invested capital in the development of plots for construction and residence of Bedouins years ago, and the plots stand empty. For the Bedouin, this is his land for all intents and purposes, he does not really care what the court of the State of Israel says. "They 'gave up' on the land, the so-called 80-20. Twenty percent a replacement on the land and eighty percent on the money."
And did it work?
"Not exactly. I was on the Interior Committee with Pini Badash, the head of the Omar council, and he told Taleb a-Sana, 'You have an ownership claim, the court ruled - state land, you did not let anyone in, you went and signed 20-80, you got land 'You received money, and you still do not allow anyone to enter?'
Va-Sanae replied, "This is my uncle from Janon, he does not let anyone in." Ownership! And it does not end there: the Bedouin trade in land ownership claims as in future options. Such an area was recently sold for NIS 70 million! So I say - nothing to do, this situation is unsolvable. This insight is one of the main things we are trying to promote. "You can build roads on these areas, establish a Jewish settlement here, do everything, but settle Bedouins on land that is in a claim to ownership - you will not succeed."
Decide not to decide
One of the difficult chapters in the book shows how a lack of policy led to the creation of two separate legal systems for the Bedouin and the Jews.
For example, the incredible story of the fate of Negev lands bought by Jews, and Bedouin invaded the contents.
In the 1930s, Shlomo Ismailof purchased 150 dunams in the Negev.
A Bedouin tribe from Gaza settled on its lands.
Although there is no dispute that the land belongs to Ismailov's heirs, almost 100 years after its acquisition - thanks to the state's dragging its feet and under the auspices of the Supreme Court - Ismailov's legal heirs still fail to evict the invaders from their land.
If you are looking for another chapter in the plots of Israel, you will find it here.
"It's a delusional case where the owner asks the state to enforce the state's laws, and the state simply ignores and refuses," Deutsch says, "and more than that, the court decides he allows the takeover! That the court does not intend to settle, the court said they decide not to intervene and that maybe one day the problem will be solved. They have to deal with them. "
From a tour of Balkia, Photo: David Peretz
Unlike keyboard clicks, Deutsch is a distinctly space man.
He knows the Bedouin settlements at the Wise level, and knows where each pirate gas station is located, and where the camel's body that an anonymous hand has cut off his ear with the chip that identifies its owner.
We wander through the neighborhoods of luxurious villa girls, and from the moment we step off the main road and look inside, the tension towards us rises.
When I try to photograph one of the villas or the Deutsch, a SUV or ATV driven by a boy immediately appears, and in a voice that has not yet been replaced he asks, "Is everything all right?"
Pleasant walks, Deutsch breaks down the situation gently, but at some point it turns out that the Bedouin hospitality is intended for those who are satisfied with representative tent and camel presentations.
Our presence is undesirable.
We board a plane to see from above what is hiding below.
Admittedly, I did not think I would be surprised, but when we pass over the Shoket junction and look east towards Arad - Deutsch's claim becomes clearer.
"There is this statement that all that needs to be done is 'regulate only 45 localities' and then everything will work out, and I want you to tell me, where does each locality here begin and where does it end? The Bedouin do not know either."
The view from above reveals that what was once called the Diaspora has long been not islands scattered in the desert.
Over the hills and in the hidden wadis a sequence to the edge of the horizon of houses and groups of houses is revealed.
And this is no accident.
"There is no other such event in the world," says Deutsch, "a population that doubles every 20 years."
"Bedouin" deals quite a bit with Bedouin demography and reveals the method for training polygamy in which women are allegedly deported, the Sharia court imposes on the husband ridiculous alimony of a few hundred shekels, and the rest of her livelihood and children's livelihood falls on Social Security.
Since the Bedouin women were no longer willing to function as the "second woman," imports of women from the southern Hebron Mountains and Gaza were created.
This deepened the national-Palestinian consciousness of the Bedouin and led to religious extremism, expressed in the multiplicity of mosques, all of which have a replica of the Dome of the Rock.
I was exposed to the change that is taking place in the future generation a year ago at an event organized by the people of the Wadi Atir project, in front of Hura.
The meeting sought to strengthen ties between Bedouins and Jews in the Negev, following Operation Wall Guard.
Unfortunately I was one of the only Jews at the event, but I met many change agents from Bedouin society, who do a lot every day to promote an important and correct change of depth between Bedouin society and Jewish society in the Negev.
However, between giant panda dolls and embroidery workshops it was hard to see that in the children's tattoo corner was a Palestinian flag.
Sometimes it feels like "Bedouin" is a bit of a preacher to preachers.
Anyone looking for the sick evils of Bedouin society - will find something to hold on to, but may miss the complexity of the matter and the novelty.
Where many good people have given up, Deutsch is rather optimistic.
He proposes a plan for the integration of Bedouin society in Israel: to sever the suffocating connection between the regulation of land and the regulation of the population - to settle the scattered on lands that are not in conflict.
If this seems like an illusory solution, think again.
Recently, the head of the Lakia council contacted Deutsch to hear his opinion on the plans to expand the settlement.
In Israeli and Bedouin society, internal changes are taking place and there are quite a few change agents who are building hesitant bridges over the sea of suspicion.
"I heard that they are going to set up a governance company, and they are going to pass a large budget in favor of the Negev. It is good that the problem is being addressed, but as long as there is no master plan and no policy outline where we want to go and how we want the Negev to look in 2050. There's something. "
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