It is true that the terrorist who carried out the attack in Bnei Brak broke through a breach in the fence.
On the other hand, the terrorist who carried out the deadly attack on the Maxim restaurant in Haifa in the fall of 2003 underwent an orderly transition.
Public opinion demanding the closure of loopholes in the fence expresses a legitimate desire for security, however it is triggered by the false promises of those who built the fence.
In the first place the fence could not grant a hermetic blockage of unauthorized intruders.
The operational significance of a fence about 700 km long must be understood. A fence that is not controlled along a wide order of forces in continuous activity cannot block the path of those objects that pass through it. The IDF and the Israel Police never had the necessary order of forces.
About two years ago, I published a comprehensive study on the issue, in which I claimed that the separation fence was built with political deception, taking advantage of the terror of terrorism, and approached the project with the aim of unilaterally setting a political border.
A fence as an obstacle is undoubtedly useful in the whole of the tactical effort for defense.
The question of the vitality of the fence arises where the fence turns from a tactical tool into a strategic trend.
The most basic question about the functioning of the fence is whether the fence is really necessary in the prevention of terrorism?
The success of the Central Command and the GSS in the fight against terrorism since the Defensive Shield shows that most of the success in counterterrorism should be attributed to the continuous activity in the daily friction in the depths of the area and not to the activity along the fence. And IDF activity along the fence on the Gaza Strip border.
The debate over the question of the fence is not just a security debate, especially when the route of the fence largely overlaps with the Green Line.
A yes expression to this was given by Dennis Ross.
In the days when the construction of the fence began, Ross toured the route being built under Brigadier General Eibal Giladi. During the tour, Ross stopped, looked at the route with satisfaction and said: "It looks like a border, it smells like a border, it is a border!".
The idea to build a security fence began to mature with the outbreak of the wave of suicide bombings that began after the Oslo Accords.
It was the Rabin government that began rolling out the idea in 1995.
It was Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin's understanding that the construction of the fence would entail long-term political implications that would in fact establish a border, which led Rabin to reject the idea.
In the most central Israeli controversy, between the expectation of a withdrawal to the Green Line and the trend of applying sovereignty in Judea and Samaria, the decision to build the fence was a ploy to skew reality in the direction of withdrawal. With the intention of moving soon to Phase B, where the IDF will be held "on the fence" and thus a de facto border line will be created.
The fence project is one of the longest and most expensive projects carried out by the State of Israel.
Its estimated cost so far is more than NIS 15 billion.
Its negative consequences for the borders of the State of Israel for the future are significant.
Lt. Col. Moshe Boogie Ya'alon said as chief of staff that if he had been offered the budget invested in building the fence to implement the IDF's power building priority, he would not have invested even a shekel in the fence.
In a reality where the Israel Police - with Border Police units - are desperate for additional manpower and adequate equipment, the required budget is in the budget they want to invest in repairing the fence.
From the beginning of the road in matter security consideration had to invest the replica budget of the fence, in building properly equipped police forces.
Portable power is better than investing in a fence that lies in the ground, the operational benefit of which is no different from the benefit of a good-hearted line.
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