The visit of an American president to our country is a holiday.
This has always been the case with the majority of the Israeli public and its leaders.
It is an authentic expression of the special sense of closeness between the peoples and the courageous partnership between the countries.
This friendship does not depend on the identity of the leaders or their party affiliation, and transcends any controversy.
Mr. President Biden, the special relations between our countries have many faces, and are designed to serve common interests as well, but the basis for them is the common values: commitment to the values of democracy, freedom, justice and peace, deeply rooted in our people's heritage and culture.
President Biden and former Prime Minister Bennett at their White House meeting last year, Photo: Avi Ohayon GPO
Israeli leaders will greet you by saying that "Israel does not have a close ally like the United States," and will wait for your agreement, at least with a shake of the head, with the second part of the sentence - "and the United States has no close friend like Israel in the Middle East."
Even from a utilitarian and cold point of view, which of course is very far from characterizing our relationship, Israel is the most worthwhile investment for the US! Israel is an asset to the US in terms of security, economics and technology, as a nation of knowledge and science, innovation and startup.
Israel is building its power and empowering itself - first and foremost for its own purpose: to ensure its existence as a Jewish, democratic, strong, secure and prosperous state.
This is in light of its historical destiny and in the spirit of the vision to which it is committed.
But its intensification also clearly serves the American interest, especially in the Middle East and in the face of the upheavals that befall our world.
The good news about strengthening the scientific-technological partnership between Israel and the United States is good. The potential lies in this. This move is worthy of blessing and may bring blessing to the entire world.
The move to establish a broad regional partnership to create effective air defense against missile and UAV threats, which Iran has led to become a matter of routine in our region. The defense is an important component in this response, is of course not unique.
Not to an agreement that will perpetuate the danger
Mr. President, we appreciate your commitment to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.
This commitment is essential for the security of the countries in the region and for ensuring its stability, but it is not enough.
Its implementation through an agreement that will only postpone for a few years the day on which Iran will be able to acquire nuclear weapons will perpetuate the danger.
Especially if it leaves Iran with capabilities that will allow it covert enrichment, will be content with limited supervision, and will not impose automatic punishment in cases of violations.
Centrifuges in an Iranian nuclear compound (archive), Photo: IPI
Such an agreement would save the ayatollahs' regime the hope, the hope and the temptation for nuclear weapons.
It will push the countries of the region into a nuclear race, providing a sure recipe for friction and instability.
It will have a dramatic impact on Iran's intensification, in all dimensions, as a result of the release of tens of billions of dollars and the easing of its current restrictions, as part of the payment it will be given for its return to the agreement.
Thus, instead of tying its hands and narrowing its steps, the agreement will open the way for it to the nucleus, restore its status, strengthen its capabilities and supply oxygen to the repressive mechanisms and proxy forces it employs.
Needless to say, the threat from Iran is not limited to the countries of the region.
When in Iran the title "little devil" is attached to Israel, no effort is required to understand who the "big devil" whose values and culture are - indeed poses a threat to those of the "Islamic Revolution".
Objective: Denial of nuclear capability
Mr. President, the lessons of war in Europe require world leaders to address contemporary dilemmas, looking at time periods longer than two years, five years or a decade.
It would not be right to enslave the future and put it in the shadow of such a significant danger just because of the desire to break free from the oppression of decisions that are committed in the present.
The war in Ukraine illustrates the limitations of deterrence that the Western world has in the face of extreme nuclear power moves: in conflicts involving a nuclear-armed state, the world is on its toes.
The term "nuclear umbrella" takes on a painful reality before our eyes.
It takes no developed imagination to imagine what Iran could afford and the forces it wields, if God forbid it becomes nuclear.
Under your leadership, the United States can prevent this scenario. We believe in the power of the American power to do so in a way that does not lead to a war in the present, and reduces the chances of a war in the future.
The way to do this requires the immediate and full implementation of the paralyzing sanctions, while placing a credible military threat.
Iran must not be allowed to continue its nuclear program, under the auspices of the shuffling negotiations.
The goal should be to lead Iran to an agreement that will completely and indefinitely deprive it of the ability to develop or acquire nuclear weapons, and at the same time - charge it prices that will call into question the viability of the aggressive approach it has adopted, including its involvement in terrorism in its various forms.
The United States should not compromise on this. Facing the Iranian challenge is an opportunity for the United States to strengthen its leadership in the face of the challenges of contemporary reality, and to prove that it can bring order and stability to the global system, the lack of which is felt everywhere.
Restraining Iran's aggression and its nuclear ambitions is a condition for peace and stability, and is the basis on which the pragmatic countries in the region, together with Israel, can go the extra mile - towards a new era in the Middle East.
The author served as a National Security Adviser and head of the National Security Council in the years 2021-2017. He currently serves as a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) at Tel Aviv University.
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