Take a new journey with the times. VII｜Distinguish imagination and reality and re-understand the Chinese Communist Party in Hong Kong

The Chinese Communist Party is a very special existence in Hong Kong - although everyone knows that it is the only political organization leading the country, there are always some people who deny its ruling reality; and although everyone knows that it creates and practices "one country, two systems", it also There are always some people who question its attempt to eliminate "one country, two systems"; and even though everyone knows that it controls the destiny of Hong Kong, there are still some people who believe that under "one country, two systems", Hong Kong can be exempted from its control.

It can be said that Hong Kong, which is between "imagination" and "reality", never seems to see clearly the appearance of the Chinese Communist Party.

However, if Hong Kong cannot honestly face its own ideological contradictions, how can we objectively understand the significance of the existence of the CCP for Hong Kong and the country?

How can we get rid of the identity anxiety of the dilemma and the political dilemma of holding back?

How can we take a positive attitude in the "change and change" of "one country, two systems" and make a living and create greater glories?

How to lead the public to re-understand the Communist Party of China is an issue that cannot be avoided by the new SAR government headed by Li Jiachao.

(Editor's note: On the 25th anniversary of Hong Kong's return to the motherland, which has always advocated "one country, two systems", "Hong Kong 01" hereby publishes the special issue "A New Journey with the Times", which includes seven in-depth reports from the past, recording the key thinking of Hong Kong entering a period of social transformation .This is the seventh and last article, integrated from the 273rd issue of "Hong Kong 01" Weekly.)

Xi Jinping delivered a speech at the high-speed rail station, saying that Hong Kong has been reborn from the ashes, showing vigor and vitality, proving the strong vitality of one country, two systems.

(Joint interview/Associated Press)

1. Does Hong Kong know the Chinese Communist Party?

Hong Kong seems to have two completely different attitudes towards the "CCP" and the "Central China".

Regarding the "CCP", although they know that it is the only ruling party in the country, there are always people who are unwilling to admit its legitimacy, and even regard it as the "Voldemort" of the novel "Harry Potter", thinking that it is authoritarian, ruled by man, and terrifying. It is time to draw a clear line with it; however, with regard to the "Central Government", people generally understand it as the "Central People's Government" according to the Basic Law, that is, the "State Council", which is relatively more accepting of the affiliation of the Hong Kong SAR with it.

However, the "Central" actually refers to the "Central Committee of the Communist Party of China", referred to as the "Central Committee of the Communist Party of China" - that is to say, Hong Kong goes round and round, just like the "Monkey King" who cannot escape the "Five Fingers Mountain" of Buddha Tathagata , it's just that the other party never sees through and never speaks.

"Many people describe that the Chinese Communist Party in Hong Kong is simply 'bearing humiliation' - the world's largest ruling party, it is unbelievable that Hong Kong used to be in such a state, but over the years, the Chinese Communist Party has still given the greatest tolerance ” Zhi Zhenfeng, a researcher at the Center for Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said that “such a state” not only refers to the fact that the Chinese Communist Party rarely appears in the Hong Kong administrative system or even in the public eye, but also includes the long-term involvement of Hong Kong society in its discussions Lots of prejudice and distortion, "almost demonizing the Chinese Communist Party."

However, things have changed.

After the "anti-amendment turmoil" in 2019, the central government not only took action to formulate the "Hong Kong National Security Law" and revise the Hong Kong electoral system, but also changed its low-key style in Hong Kong in the past on the occasion of its centenary. For the first time, a Hong Kong institution held an event in Hong Kong in the name of the "Communist Party of China" to explain the causal relationship between the CCP and "One Country, Two Systems".

It is impossible for Hong Kong people not to feel this change, and some even feel anxious - is the Chinese Communist Party really going to appear in Hong Kong?

However, this question itself is very paradoxical, because the Chinese Communist Party has always dominated the fate of Hong Kong, so it has always existed.

—the first one is that the Chinese Communist Party is determined to be authoritarian and evil, and when the “anti-revision turmoil” forces the central government to rule strongly. In Hong Kong, they scolded the CCP for being so authoritarian and evil. Second, they reluctantly accepted the "dictatorship" of the Chinese Communist Party, and gradually saw that it would constantly correct itself and try to use "governance" to practice "politics".

But no matter what kind of psychology, it reflects that Hong Kong people do not understand or even know the Chinese Communist Party.

If asked, what is the reason?

"Anti-communists" will probably swear that "history shows that it is so bad", and then list several highly controversial measures since the founding of the Communist Party of China; "Before, it was often traced back to how the historical cognition of "anti-communists" was constructed.

Zhi Zhenfeng believes that some Hong Kong people have a lot of prejudice and distortion in their understanding of the Chinese Communist Party.

(Photo from the website of the State Council Information Office)

2. Is "anti-Communist" innate genes or nurtured?

Now that we talk about "historical cognition," we might as well go back to history.

It is believed that scholars from both places will agree with this historical description: the great powers invaded China before the founding of the People’s Republic of China, and many mainlanders fled to Hong Kong to make a living; after the CCP came to power, political movements such as the “Three Antis and Five Antis” and the “Cultural Revolution” were launched, and In the "political turmoil" in 1989, a large number of rich and even corrupt officials went south to Hong Kong.

However, the same piece of history is endowed with different meanings - in the eyes of "anti-communists", the personal experiences of these people are "iron proof" of the "brutal" and "unbearable" CCP; however, Zhi Zhenfeng believes that some things cannot be ignored. The reality that "hard-core anti-communist" people have a grudge against the CCP: "To put it in a bad way, Hong Kong has gathered a lot of "bulls, ghosts and snakes" from the land of China. The common feature is that they fled to Hong Kong as a "loser" and naturally resented The Communist Party, so it is impossible to understand the Chinese Communist Party objectively and impartially at the national level.”

Tian Feilong, director of the National Association for Hong Kong and Macau Studies and associate professor at the Advanced Research Institute and Law School of Beihang University, agrees, and points out that the "victim" mentality will prompt them to develop a sense of division with the areas north of the Shenzhen River ruled by the Chinese Communist Party. The "consciousness of separation" of the clear boundary line, so their understanding of "one country, two systems" is often limited to "well water does not violate river water". Once the central government adjusts the policy of governing Hong Kong, such as becoming proactive and emphasizing integration, they will not accept it.

In addition, the difference in development progress between the mainland and Hong Kong also affects Hong Kong people's perception of the CCP.

When the mainland experienced political turmoil, Hong Kong experienced the economic boom of the "Four Asian Tigers", and the gap in the quality of life between the two places widened rapidly. Anti-communists became more convinced that "the CCP is wrong" and gradually looked up to the West and discriminated against the mainland. When the mainland's economy is advancing by leaps and bounds, people's living standards are constantly improving, and the gap with Hong Kong is getting smaller and smaller, but Hong Kong is trapped in deep-seated structural contradictions such as uneven distribution, single industry, stagnant upper class, disparity between the rich and the poor, etc. Mainland.

Huang Ping, vice-chairman of the National Association for Hong Kong and Macau Studies and director of the Center for Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, believes that the anti-communists did not look for problems from Hong Kong itself, but blamed the central government.

If Hong Kong cannot honestly face its own ideological contradictions, it cannot objectively understand the significance of the existence of the Chinese Communist Party to Hong Kong and the country.

(Photo by Luo Junhao)

3. How to be torn between imagination and reality?

However, whether it was passed on intentionally or unintentionally, the "anti-Communist" public opinion formed in this way can be said to have existed in Hong Kong society for a long time, especially among the elites - they generally think that they represent a more advanced civilization, so they despise what the CCP does, and they are the most resistant to looking directly at it. The CCP has changed; they have even dominated the “anti-Communist” consciousness of the entire society to a large extent.

Huang Ping analyzed that this is largely due to the fact that the elites have received more Western-style education, so they are more inclined to believe in the binary opposition concept of "capitalism is good, socialism is not good" constructed by the other party.

However, more than 30 years after the end of the "Cold War", many Hong Kong people are still stuck in a state of confrontation between capitalism and socialism.

In Huang Ping's view, this is a "false confrontation", stemming from the fact that Hong Kong has never formed a discourse that is truly applicable to itself: "In the academic world, many scholars unconsciously regard Western democracy, freedom, equality, Human rights are abstracted and non-historical, and cannot be restored to each specific economic, social and cultural context and historical context for understanding. The ability to recognize complex problems.”

Therefore, the cognitive dilemma formed by this is not a question of the amount of knowledge, but a question of political and cultural identity. People will use this to judge whether they agree with a certain system and the values ​​and ideological systems behind it. Huang Ping lamented that the "European Enlightenment Movement" since the 18th century was intended to free people from theology, illuminate themselves with reason, and learn to self-reflect, but those Enlightenment thinkers could not expect to bring a "dichotomy" to future generations. world views, such as civilization and barbarism, advanced and backward, developed and poor, democracy and autocracy, and these concepts are still the basis and standard by which many people view the Western and non-Western worlds - so even intellectuals will Stubborn, difficult to rationally analyze, unable to distinguish right from wrong.

When the ideology and identity value of "Hong Kong, China's subjectivity" are lacking, Hong Kong can only be constantly torn apart by nationalization, internationalization, and localization.

Huang Ping said that "internationalization" is a good thing. It can bring Hong Kong's economic development level and other aspects into line with developed regions. However, if everyone understands "internationalization" so narrowly that only Europe and the United States can only see the "good side" of Europe and the United States , it will inevitably form a "distorted identity"; at the same time, Hong Kong may also be too "localized" and lack at least "nationalization", so it lacks the internal motivation to know itself, the country, and the world, thus forming some Cognitive, intellectual, psychological ignorance, arrogance and prejudice.

Huang Ping believes that the anti-communists did not look for problems from Hong Kong itself, but blamed the central government. "This is a deliberate or unintentional transfer or transfer." (file picture)

4. Why was the subjectivity of "Hong Kong, China" never established?

It is undeniable that many people's stereotypes about the Chinese Communist Party come from school education with intellectuals as the main body of evangelism.

"Whether intentional or not, many teachers instill in their students a concept of 'one country, two systems' that is close to 'complete autonomy' at the basic education stage, reflecting that they may not be willing to specifically explore the actual meaning of the so-called 'sovereign transition' after Hong Kong's handover, but tend to pursue The life and system are roughly the same as before the return.” Tian Feilong pointed out that although “One Country, Two Systems” does promise the continuity of life and system in principle, it is not unlimited, especially if the top-level structure changes fundamentally, there will be no Inevitably, it will have a permeating influence on the middle and lower layers, just like "a person who has changed his face, the lower body still wants to continue to live a life in Shanghai, Hong Kong and Britain. As a result, the upper and lower levels cannot be coordinated, and there will be friction and conflict."

The problem is that even if there was no subject identity during the British Hong Kong period, but after the handover, the subjectivity belonging to "Hong Kong people of China" has not been established, because the SAR government and the central government have ignored it.

Zhi Zhenfeng understands the central government’s approach to governing Hong Kong: first, the central government is really reluctant to intervene in Hong Kong based on the principle of “one country, two systems”; second, “one country, two systems” is an unprecedented “political experiment”. Hong Kong does not have sufficient experience to find the best solution; third, from the perspective of the mainland, national identity is a matter of course, and it is hard to imagine that some people will question it.

He also said frankly: "The problem has indeed been ignored, but the situation has changed, so (the central government) spent such a large amount of resources, paid such a large price, and made such a big move against Hong Kong, which is also the formulation of the "Hong Kong National Security Law". , it is to improve the electoral system, but also to adhere to the "one country, two systems"."

However, in the more than 20 years of "loss of subject value" since the handover, when the understanding between Hong Kong and the central government is more different, Hong Kong people will have more complex emotions: the first is to compare Hong Kong's modernization achievements with Hong Kong's British colonial rule. Combined, when it comes to the United Kingdom, it will add "rose color" to beautify it, and it is difficult to present the historical details more completely; the second is to link Hong Kong's modernization achievements with capitalism. I sincerely believe that this is the secret of Hong Kong's success, and even He believes that the colonization and modernization of Hong Kong are one and the same, and therefore emphasizes that Hong Kong must remain close to the British and American forces in order to continue its glory.

In Tian Feilong's view, the above two emotions are the infiltration of Hong Kong people to fight against the "one country" and the socialist system, which constitute the value confrontation between "patriotism" and "democracy" in Hong Kong's political culture, which makes Hong Kong society form a kind of "Once accepting the comprehensive governance and integrated development of 'one country' is equivalent to falling into the moral sin of political depravity", so people can only tightly embrace the goal of democratization of "one person, one vote for universal suffrage", thinking that only in this way can they firmly grasp" The "local dominance" and "purity of values" in the "high degree of autonomy" have pushed Hong Kong into a dangerous situation of "antagonizing the state".

The turmoil against the amendment bill in 2019 was regarded as a "cancerous transformation" of the contradictions in Hong Kong, which wiped out the vague space of "Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy" and "comprehensive central government".

(file picture)

5. Can "patriotism" and "democracy" coexist?

Tian Feilong used the "regression theory of democracy" proposed by the Democratic Party's predecessor, Huidian, as an example to explain the risks of opposing "patriotism" and "democracy".

"There is a subtext in it, which defines "patriotism" in terms of "democracy", and feels that as long as the country is more democratic, they will be more patriotic." Tian Feilong believes that this is exactly in line with the US's setting for China's democratization, "forming a kind of Hong Kong-based, Then, through the pursuit of democratic values, institutional competition and even political confrontation with the socialist system will take place.”

Whether it is a clash of civilizations or a conflict of values, if we want to talk about Hong Kong people’s cognition and understanding of the Chinese Communist Party today, the “June 4 Incident” in 1989 should be a very crucial factor, which made Hong Kong people’s panic towards the Chinese Communist Party reach its highest point; Political organizations with "rehabilitating June 4th" as their main appeal also rose rapidly and were widely supported by citizens; later, "anti-Communist" as a moral call or political enlightenment was also an inevitable operation of elections; every anniversary, the tragedy was constantly collectively recalled.

"Some Hong Kong people may have a 'knot in the heart', but many people in the mainland do not understand or are confused, and find this understanding strange. Facing the same history, different people receive information or choose to receive information. They are not the same, and their views may also be different. Is the understanding of Hong Kong people correct? This also requires reflection.” Zhi Zhenfeng said that the incident has long been concluded, “More importantly, we must be clear about the most urgent agenda for the country. What? Just keep the ship going."

Huang Ping expanded his perspective to the great socialist changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe from 1989 to 1991: "It would be unrealistic to say that it had no impact on Hong Kong. Negative symbols." He mainly made two observations - first, Hong Kong has a negative perception of socialism in the mainland. After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the whole process was placed under the so-called "third wave of democratization". It will inevitably lead to disputes over Hong Kong’s identification with the ruling party of the mainland’s political system; secondly, some people continue to conduct political operations through this, deliberately amplifying the negative effects of people’s livelihood, employment, education and other issues, ignoring the underlying economic roots, and Simply linking it with Hong Kong's return to China's history and political system has led to a high degree of "pan-politicization" in Hong Kong, making it difficult to properly solve economic, social and people's livelihood issues.

Tian Feilong said that the emergence of the Chinese Communist Party is based on a unique awareness of the problem, "it is to accept Marxism in the context of 'saving the nation's survival'", so it has a very strong pursuit and red line for national rejuvenation.

(Photo by Huang Yunna)

6. Can you remove the "colored glasses" by removing the "historical baggage"?

Tian Feilong also believes that Hong Kong often overlooks a key consideration when discussing the "June 4 Incident": "If China follows the example of the Soviet Union's disintegration, it will fall back into the split from the late Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China. It will happen, and Hong Kong will not return. For the Chinese Communist Party, it will cause a serious setback to the cause of people with lofty ideals in China’s modern times to pursue national salvation and national liberation, and it is also the biggest blow to the goal of Sinicization of Marxism since 1921.”

He explained that the emergence of the Communist Party of China itself is based on a unique awareness of the problem, "it is to accept Marxism in the context of 'saving the nation's survival'", so it has a very strong pursuit and red line for national rejuvenation, and any decision-making is impossible It deviates from the extremely strict "state-based values" of "great unification", and if "one country, two systems" loses this fundamental pursuit and standard, there is no need to be accommodated by the CCP.

"If we use this background to observe the choices made by the leaders of the CCP at that time (the June 4 incident), they can withstand the test of history." Tian Feilong mentioned that those Eastern European countries that took the opposite approach have paid a very heavy price for their sovereignty and national interests. The price of interest can only be in a position of subordination or even repeated sanctions in the capitalist system for a long time; he uses this to exhort Hong Kong people to "comprehend the events of 1989 from the perspective of the country and the wider global history."

However, between the disintegration of the state and the repression by force, cannot a more rational solution be found?

Even if the tragedy has been caused, can't we give a more convincing evaluation statement?

Of course, in the eyes of some people, this "obsession" may be an "excuse" - if the CCP immediately announces "rehabilitation", will Hong Kong people immediately change their views on the CCP?

This will take time to verify.

However, it is undeniable that some Hong Kong people will indeed take time out of some historical scenes and game backgrounds when evaluating the Chinese Communist Party. However, on the other hand, does the Chinese Communist Party really understand Hong Kong?

Does the CCP also have many misunderstandings about Hong Kong?

Why do the two sides continue to deepen the gap of trust and fall into an "dead loop"?

If the CCP re-evaluates the "June 4 Incident", will Hong Kong people immediately change their views on the CCP?

(file picture)

7. Seeing the differences, why not seek consensus?

"From the 'Occupy Central' in 2014 to the 'Amendment' in 2019, there are indeed some participants who think they are participating in a just cause and a cause seeking change just from their own interests and values; at the same time, From its own strategic height, the country realizes that this is a 'Hong Kong version of the color revolution'. The cognitive differences between the two sides inevitably lead to political conflicts and hedging, and the result is that the country has become more specific and authoritative." Tian Feilong This explains how the CCP understands the protest movement of Hong Kong people -

First of all, before Occupy Central, one of the initiators, Dai Yaoting, thought that when the operation of the Central Financial Center was affected, it would be the same as hitting the key point of "one country, two systems". At that time, the CCP might seek advantages and avoid disadvantages, and Hong Kong would be able to achieve "one person, one vote"; however, Tai Yaoting does not really understand the CCP. When he confronts the CCP with such a deadly threat, the CCP will feel that the demand for universal suffrage in Hong Kong and the tension of national security issues are becoming more and more prominent and must be restricted. ".

Secondly, the anti-amendment turmoil was originally a legal issue, "but when Hong Kong has signed handover agreements with many countries and regions, it cannot hand over fugitives to its own motherland - this is both insulting and hurtful to the country. It was very big, and the whole turmoil later fully highlighted Hong Kong's political and moral provocation to the country." Tian Feilong described it as a "cancerous transformation" of Hong Kong's contradictions, blurring the distinction between "Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy" and "comprehensive central government governance". The space is exhausted, and the central government has no choice but to show "whose power belongs", and Hong Kong has absolutely no bargaining power.

"Why can't Hong Kong stop? There may be two kinds of fluke mentality: first, thinking that it can use its status as a financial center to threaten the central government; second, thinking that US support or sanctions can have an invincible threatening effect. However, in fact, the central government has long been I have considered it, and I can bear the corresponding risks. That is, when you face a higher-level opponent than you, and you threaten that the opponent will launch a "political nuclear bomb", even superstitious about the power of the nuclear bomb, and then confront it without restraint As a result, your opponents will carry out "dimension reduction and suppression", and you will have no backhand and no ability to fight back." Tian Feilong reluctantly said that Hong Kong's pan-democrats do not understand compromise, nor do they understand restraint.

In 2014, "Occupy Central" aroused popular demands for "democratic and universal suffrage", but as everyone knew, it pushed Hong Kong into a dangerous situation of "antagonizing the country".

(file picture)

8. How should we view the CCP?

The difference in understanding between Hong Kong and the Chinese Communist Party is indeed obvious, but "differences" are not a problem, but if you know there are "differences" but do not try to seek "consensus", it will become what it is now.

For example, Hong Kong is more difficult to understand, why a political party can be permanently tied to the country?

Why must we understand "One Country, Two Systems" with the understanding of the CCP?

Since the CCP was able to gain power and establish a country through revolution, why can't others promote political reform in different ways?

"The biggest difference between the Communist Party of China and Western political parties is that the ruling status of the Communist Party of China is legal, and its appearance and governance are the choices of the Chinese people in the historical process. From the perspective of the Communist Party's governing philosophy, the founding of the country in 1949 was just a long march of thousands of miles. The real goal is national rejuvenation and a community with a shared future for mankind - it shoulders the mission of governance and historical mission, so the Communist Party of China must continue to lead the Chinese people forward." Tian Feilong explained that this is also a socialist party and capitalism. Different political parties, the former has a set of historical and philosophical basis for legitimate governance, believing that socialist political parties represent the truth, advanced productive forces, and the fundamental interests of the entire people, while the latter emphasizes pluralist political philosophy, which must be rotated through elections.

Zhi Zhenfeng also believes that the Chinese Communist Party cannot be understood in terms of traditional Chinese concepts and Western political party concepts, because traditional "party", such as "forming a party for personal gain", "a gentleman does not belong to the party", and "the party is not the same as the party", has a derogatory meaning. It is "Party", which only represents the interests of a part of the group. It is necessary to play games with different groups in order to achieve a balanced distribution of interests.

In his view, the Communist Party of China is a unique and truly advanced ruling body with four characteristics:

First, it is neutral and represents the most fundamental interests of the broadest people; second, it is impartial and can only serve all the people; third, it is advanced and can demonstrate its governing wisdom in a neutral and impartial situation , have a more accurate understanding of various social issues, and make more forward-looking and strategic judgments, so as to achieve a better balance, including overall interests and partial interests, current interests and long-term interests, and domestic interests and international interests. Balance; fourth, it is open-minded. No matter which class you come from, as long as you are willing to contribute to the people and abide by the iron discipline, you can apply to join the party.

From the perspective of the CCP's governing philosophy, the founding of the state in 1949 was only the first step in the Long March. The real goal was national rejuvenation and a community with a shared future for mankind.

(Xinhua News Agency)

9. How did the CCP come into being?

Today, even those who no longer identify with the Chinese Communist Party cannot deny its efforts and contributions to the rise of the country.

Zhi Zhenfeng pointed out that the development of the country today is mainly due to the two major tasks of the Chinese Communist Party: "Take off your shoes and walk the mud." Sputnik), to solve the problem of "beating".

Second, do a good job in the layout of agriculture and industry, and solve the problem of "starvation" - in agriculture, when people were poor and white, the CCP led the people to self-reliance, reclaimed land, and built water conservancy; in industry, today China is the only one in the world with the United Nations Industrial Classification Countries with all the industrial categories listed, but 70 years ago, there was nothing, "Why is it different today? It is just walking step by step with the mud legs led by the Chinese Communist Party, digging with a shovel and a shovel, and digging with a hammer and a hammer. knocked out."

This kind of hard work, tenacity, and hard work, I am afraid that future generations will be difficult to understand.

Even Zhi Zhenfeng also admitted that one of the reasons why the actions of the Chinese Communist Party are not easily recognized by the outside world is that its strict requirements for itself are not in line with Western perceptions.

"The Chinese Communist Party is really cruel to itself, but most people don't like to live such a cruel life. Even within the party, it may not be recognized and accepted by everyone. Whenever there is a flood, fire, or earthquake, which is not the Communist Party. The first one? Even if everyone can’t do it, the Communist Party will stand up.” Zhi Zhenfeng lamented that the country’s “extraordinary” development depends on the CCP leading the people to “extraordinary” efforts. For people, it is a kind of "extraordinary" cognition, "From the point of view of you Hong Kong people, you will feel that we are very primitive and authoritarian, but the so-called "authoritarian" means "efficiency", which is an ultra-standard that we must abide by based on the overall interests. Conventional iron law, some people can't accept it for a while, but history can testify for us."

Mainland scholars have emphasized that what the CCP does is for the overall benefit; but in the eyes of many Hong Kong people, they often doubt the purpose of the CCP’s existence—is it really to serve the people?

Isn't this a big empty talk?

Is there such a practice in the world?

"I don't think there is a big problem with the party itself, because the Chinese Communist Party's learning ability is too strong, and it is constantly learning and improving; if there is anything to be vigilant about, it is that the party's original intention cannot be changed, and it must be Only by serving the people wholeheartedly can we maintain our neutrality, selflessness, advanced and openness, and thus promote our continuous self-evolution.” Zhi Zhenfeng said that the key to the Chinese Communist Party’s guarantee of self-evolution is to do a good job in the discipline construction of the ruling party. Self and purity, "The Chinese Communist Party has a saying called 'the knife edge is inward', that is, to operate on itself, which political party in the world can have such a determination? We also say that the Chinese Communists are always on the way to take the exam A sense of crisis that must renew itself.”

The "appearance" of the CCP poses a very challenging proposition for Hong Kong party politics.

(file picture)

10. Where will Hong Kong's party politics go under the CCP?

Tian Feilong proposed that the starting point for Hong Kong to re-understand the Chinese Communist Party is that it cannot understand the Chinese Communist Party in terms of Western political parties or Western democratic concepts, and can only evaluate it from the guiding ideology of the Chinese Communist Party and its practical norms, and Hong Kong people are not used to it. It is precisely what is needed to develop an internal understanding of the CCP, a sympathetic, warm and respectful understanding.

Now, the Chinese Communist Party is no longer "secret", which extends the question - will Hong Kong's governance system be affected?

Where should party politics in Hong Kong go?

Although there are many political parties in Hong Kong, because the Basic Law is designed with "executive leadership" as its design principle, the practice of party politics has always been incomplete, and political parties lack the will to govern and become electoral machines or pressure groups.

After the electoral reform, Hong Kong's "executive leadership" has been strengthened, and the role of political parties seems to be getting weaker and weaker. What kind of existence will it become in the future?

What is the relationship between the Communist Party of China and the political development of political parties in Hong Kong?

When Hong Kong cannot do a good job of "Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong", will the CCP go out on its own and dispatch a "second governance team"?

Tian Feilong acknowledged the "appearance" of the CCP and raised a very challenging proposition for Hong Kong's party politics.

He has three views:

First of all, under capitalist democracy, periodic election games inevitably make political parties dwarfed as representatives of interest groups, leading to the disintegration and disintegration of the overall pursuit of society, and the diversification and fragmentation of the political map. Like other countries, they can only win seats with the help of foreign capital and foreign culture, becoming a local agent of foreign interests, unable to truly protect their own national interests, and ultimately stagnant due to political divisions and constant conflicts, becoming a "failed country".

Second, although the Chinese Communist Party is a "party", it does not focus on "election" like Western political parties, but on "governance".

The absence of competition does not mean that there is no pressure and motivation, because the CCP itself has inherited the political tradition of ancient Chinese sages. It not only attaches importance to the knowledge, morality and ability of the elites to be responsible for the overall interests, but also emphasizes that the elites must be recognized by the public.

Finally, Hong Kong has accumulated many problems in its democratic practice over the years: first, it cannot elect staunch patriots; second, it has gradually become a dangerous channel manipulated by external forces; third, whether it is the ability to govern society or the ability to respond to fairness and justice The ability, the performance of the elected are quite limited - so they need to be modified one by one.

Therefore, the purpose of this reform is to reshape the governance system of "virtuous patriots". Hong Kong political parties must transform and upgrade to become an organizational force with equal emphasis on "election" and "governance". The size of their political space depends on how large they can be. In a sense, learn to understand and correctly practice "One Country, Two Systems".

Take a new journey with the times.

1 | Correct yourself to face the new global order and embark on a new journey with the times.

2｜Break the separation between Hong Kong and Shenzhen, identify the meaning and then "compensate" for the northern metropolitan area and embark on a new journey with the times.

3｜Building a new Silicon Valley in the world allows young people to dare to dream of being a scientist and embark on a new journey with the times.

4｜Promote the internationalization of RMB and upgrade the new international financial center and go on a new journey with the times.

5｜Get rid of blind westernization, tear off the desert label, revive Hong Kong culture and embark on a new journey with the times.

6｜Farewell to the "shame of subdivided houses", Hong Kong must also "common prosperity" and embark on a new journey with the times.

VII｜Distinguish imagination and reality and re-understand the Chinese Communist Party in Hong Kong