Macri tries to retain power, which is going away
The concern that
Mauricio Macri
is keeping awake is how long it will take before
his leadership in the PRO begins to unravel
, as a result of having dropped the presidential candidacy.
He put the circuit to the test by saying this Sunday on the radio "Horacio did not consult me."
He was referring to the modality of the elections in the Capital.
He had a quick response from Madrid, as if
Horacio Rodríguez Larreta was waiting for the challenge
: the decision is mine, as head of Government.
It is not a party decision.
This radio intervention was followed by a flooding operation through tweets and retweets ratifying the rejection of the Larreta plan.
Macri added that
Martín Lousteau had consulted him
.
He synthesized that meeting with a hermetic phrase, worthy of hermeneutas from Seoul magazine -
house organ
of the macrismo with a black palate: "I explained to him that it seemed good to me to look for all the possible mechanisms so that he can compete, but without affecting the Buenos Aires, that is the limit."
Competing without affecting is giving up, the pointer's manual would say.
legalistic larreta
Power slips like water through your fingers when the bosses leave power.
Carlos Menem, shortly after leaving the government in 1999, was in prison.
Cristina, after 2015, saw how the Peronist bloc of the Senate exploded into two pieces, and that of Deputies into three.
Macri now has to listen that Larreta is going to do what he deems convenient
for his electoral purposes, which involves respecting in depth and form the agreements that he has closed with his radicalism partners.
For that, he makes use of an institutional argument that goes to the hair of the macrista statute of defending "values" before interests: "I want to leave the City enforcing the law."
This means that in CABA the local and national votes will be voted on the same day, and that on the same table there will be a ballot box to put the envelope with the national vote, and the machine for voting at the local level with a single ballot.
Better not look back
If someone questions it, Larreta will say that in the CABA
before they always voted on different dates
.
Until, in 2019, he promoted a reform of the electoral code that allowed him to unify the dates with the national one.
Until then he could call them on any Sunday, except for the national elections.
This modification
was made to benefit the dragging of the Macri-Pichetto list
in the district where it would do better for them, and it did.
Let them be thankful, because it worked: the Cambiemos ticket, even losing the presidential elections in the first round, beat the Fernández family by almost 20 points (53.64% to 34.36%).
In return,
they agreed to impose the single ballot modality
for local elections, a concession to political correctness.
He contradicted another Macrista banner: the electoral rules should not be modified in election years.
That was done in 2019 for his benefit.
Macri now claims it again to benefit his cousin Jorge's chance as a candidate for head of government.
Muscle and autonomy
Macri's departure demanding vassalage from Larreta promoted the wave of news that he will not pay attention to him.
This column advanced it a week ago.
Larreta traveled back on Sunday night from Madrid
, after a long meeting with the regional president Isabel Díaz Ayuso.
He has an appointment to the strategic table for this Monday morning.
Next Friday he has to publish the electoral schedule.
He is going to play with the fact that he has not decided, to recover muscle and autonomy.
But there is no space for him, in a week, to propose in the Legislature a reform of the electoral regulations to abide by the opinion of Mauritius.
Larreta's caution is due to the fact that this story does not end here
.
A negotiation is coming with all the forces of Cambiemos to make a unified list of national deputies for October.
Palazos de Carrió to Macri and Cristina
This caution commits everyone and explains why leaders like Elisa Carrió, Miguel Pichetto, María Eugenia Vidal or Patricia Bullrich silently watch this
controlled explosion between Horacio and Mauricio
.
Vidal had dinner alone with Larreta on Wednesday, before the trip to Barcelona (visit his daughter who studies there) and the stopover in Madrid to meet Ayuso.
After the condumio,
Mariu seemed to surrender to mileism with anti-political phrases
.
She tweeted after that meeting: "Many times I feel ashamed of being part of a political system that does not represent the Argentines."
The one who made the most progress in a trial was Lilita, who gave an example of solid argument by publishing a call to take politics seriously.
She criticized
those who are carried away by anger, rigidity or laziness
.
"Civilization -he wrote this week- falls because today low consciousness prevails. In Argentina
today anger, envy, hypocrisy prevail
, which in some cases appear as historical renunciation, but in reality they are a 'no game if you don't I win", that is, I only play for power and not for values, or I falsify the truth with the argument of proscription, when the truth is that I can lose. This is low consciousness, because at high levels of consciousness what what moves us is giving".
("Time to take the step", La Nación, April 5, 2023).
Palazos to Macri and Cristina
for their preferential option of not competing.
Argentina needs a government, not a revolution
Calling for conversion is the most legitimate way to ask for a change from politics, something more rational and credible than the revolutionary complaints from the right and left from, say, Cristina to Milei, passing through Macri, Bullrich or Vidal.
Mauricio, apocalyptic, sanctioned a Leninist path in the last few hours
: "We are in for a profound change: either we change the mafia corporate system or else Argentina will not get ahead."
Lenin left Zurich with the idea that a stage of transitional capitalism would come before the revolution.
Arriving in St. Petersburg he said that he wanted the revolution now.
He was like that (Lenin in Zurich, Alexander Solzhenitsyn, 1976).
The people of Cambiemos who seek inspiration in the Spanish model should listen less to the Cayetanas and the Ayusos, and read the book "Un tal González" (Sergio del Molino, Alfaguara, 2023, promoted by Pichetto, who reads everything).
This biography of Felipe González recounts the debate with the extreme socialists who called for a revolution during the 1982 campaign.
Felipe won the government that year with a more modest and realistic slogan: "For change"
.
They asked him what this change consisted of, and he replied: "Let Spain work."
Argentina, with all the assets it has,
what it needs is for it to work
, it needs a government, which is what it doesn't have.
Because there is money, as there is also a solid political system that in the last decade has ensured alternation.
Between 2015 and 2021, Cambiemos and Peronism won, which, in turn, also lost.
Nothing disturbed public order and the country experienced a transition without riots.
Uncontrolled goals and strategies
These wrongs are not only a consequence of the loss of power of the person leaving.
It is also the effect of the
lack of a unified leadership in the two coalitions
, Cambiemos and Frente de Todos.
The departure of Cristina from the presidential candidacy has exploded the space, which offers from shows with blows to officials broadcast live and direct, to the minuet of characters in search of author -that is, of candidates- between leaders of the PJ from all over the world. the country.
In the opposition there is no unified leadership either, as expressed by the Buenos Aires scenario in which Larreta and Macri are fighting for
a table that reconciles objectives and strategies
, facing an election that they will surely win in the district by beating.
It is not understood otherwise how a Jujuy and family fight between Gerardo Morales and Guillermo Snopek, his brother-in-law and a Peronist senator, ruins a masterful move for the opposition.
love in times of anger
Snopek is at the head of
a bloc that has left Christianity
, but this personal fight disrupts what could be the most important victory of this legislature for the opposition: definitively seizing power from Cristina in the Senate.
Snopek
, a dissident Peronist in his province,
launched a candidacy for governor
whose lists will close at noon this Monday.
The PJ of his province challenged the project because he is Morales's brother-in-law.
It does so by invoking a constitutional clause that prohibits candidacies up to a certain degree of kinship.
This norm, created in the 1986 constitutional reform of that province,
was made so that other members of the Snopek family would not perpetuate themselves in power
.
The engineer Carlos Snopek, father of Carlos Daniel and uncle of Guillermo, in turn father of this Guillermo, governed.
This clause is applied despite the fact that the relationship between the brothers-in-law is publicly bad.
But, how to make a family feud take precedence over the Constitution?
Reprisals in the Senate
Morales's people get rid of explanations that the challenge is made by the PJ.
Snopek
responds that the PJ of his province is functional to the Morales project
.
The governor, presidential candidate and head of the UCR is convalescing these days from a femoral thrombosis that he overcame with two stents, although he has a medical file for ten more days.
Very opportune to be out of this fight that, their own insist, is alien.
Meanwhile,
Snopek promises reprisals in the Senate
, where he continues to lead a block of five, which is the hinge for the opposition to have its own quorum.
For the time being, Snopek announced that
it will be absent in the session that all the blocks have agreed to for Thursday the 13th
.
This Monday he will present an appeal against the challenge, which his lawyers prepared with the help of Christianity, from which Snopek seemed distant.
He received a call from Wado de Pedro interested in that challenge and offered him legal assistance from the Ministry of the Interior to prepare the appeal, which Snopek accepted.
key thursday
The opposition summer of the dream of seizing 38 seats to snub Cristina in the Senate did not last long.
If there were a strategic leadership table for Cambiemos, they would have taken care to distance themselves from this family mess, which also reflects
the distance between Gerardo Morales and Alfredo Cornejo
.
He presides over the Cambiemos interblock and could bill as his own achievement having consolidated the opposition front in the Senate.
The plot includes some commitment to Mauricio Macri himself, with whom Snopek met alone after announcing the division of the block.
They have a common enemy, the radical Morales.
This Thursday there will still be a session, because Luis Naidenoff and José Mayans -radical bloc and Christian bloc- have agreed on an agenda of issues that even provides for
an unprecedented courtesy in the Chamber
: there will be a Parliamentary Labor meeting to adjust the agenda.
If Cristina agrees to sit down with the senators to discuss the issues, the capitulation will already be complete.
Macrismo and the Rodríguez Saá, loves of yesteryear
In San Luis, some strategic coordination is also missing.
There a front has been formed
between Cambiemos and the party of Adolfo Rodríguez Saá
for the local elections.
Adolfo continues to belong to the Frente de Todos block, but that did not prevent him from joining Cambiemos for the local elections, where Claudio Poggi will compete for the governorship against Jorge Omar "Gato" Fernández.
Poggi is Adolfo, the "Cat" is Alberto
.
Borges would say Milonga de dos hermanos in that piece that he closes with sordid verses: "It's the story of Cain who keeps killing Abel."
The unmentionable background is the old relationship between the macristas and the Rodríguez Saá.
Macri in some round of his campaigns came to put the province of San Luis as an administration model.
When he was head of government there were
certain agreements between state companies in San Luis and an asphalt plant project in the CABA
.
He was spoken of in some electoral turn of confluence in lists, and the last sign was Adolfo's visit to Macri before the 2019 elections together with Miguel Pichetto and Ramón Puerta.
There were even headlines about Adolfo entering Cambiemos.
Jump back: the Lemma Law returns
This annoyance from San Luis also has its origin in another constitutional reform, also from 1986 like that of Jujuy.
It was the
debut in Argentina of the disastrous Ley de Lemas
, a Belgian design that came from Uruguay.
He allowed Oraldo Britos to renew the seat in the Senate, which he had won in 1983, but which in the draw remained for only three years.
A leap back: this year Alberto Rodríguez Saá replaced the ominous law of slogans.
Oraldo is still close to the record:
he competes permanently in Congress with Graciela Camaño
.
With the difference that Oraldo went home after asking him to give away the senator's chair.
Camaño continues in Deputies and although she threatens to retire every four years, no one rules out that she go for renewal again.
look also
Separate elections in CABA: who wins and who loses with the controversial decision of Horacio Rodríguez Larreta
New electoral survey: striking triple tie and strong impact by the departure of Mauricio Macri
