No matter the place, circumstances or time. When a crime moves politics in any Argentine provincial fiefdom, politics is a manual of blunders that incriminate it.
These six steps are always followed:
One. When they stumble on the news, officials ignore the issue.
Two. They begin to look at him sideways when he appears in the provincial media.
Three. They pay attention to him when he breaks into the Buenos Aires media.
Four. They assess political risk.
Five. A group of anonymous people who in the end know everyone threaten the key witnesses and, at the same time, sow false witnesses.
Six. Faced with the first popular demand for justice, they run to want to stand on the right side. It is important for everyone to see that they are in the pictures with the good guys.
It's usually late. They are prevented from their historical alliances with the bad guys.
These six steps were strictly fulfilled with María Soledad Morales in Ramón Saadi's Catamarca (1991), with the double crime of La Dársena in Santiago del Estero de los Juárez (1993) and with Paulina Lebbos in Alperovich's Tucumán (2006), to cite only the most resonant cases.
The steps of the minuet of horror begin traced with the disappearance of Cecilia Strzysowski in the Chaco de Capitanich.
On Saturday, as soon as news of the suspects' arrest broke in the Buenos Aires media, Cecilia's family lawyer, Carina Gomez, was summoned to a meeting at Government House by Vice Governor Analía Rach Quiroga.
Cecilia had already been missing for 8 days.
There was the provincial Security Minister, Gloria Zalazar, and the head of the Human Rights and Gender Secretariat.
After talking about the case and the lawyer complaining about not being able to access the case as the Provincial State did, the minister of Capitanich warned her: "You, especially, lower the decibels."
The victims' lawyer felt that, rather than supporting her, they were squeezing her.
If it was not a clumsy warning to monopolize the information on the subject and prevent it from being in the uncontrollable hands of the family of the missing girl, it was quite similar.
The next day, Sunday, there was a suggestive action.
The official website of the Chaco Government "informed" the community about the progress of the case.
"The rakes are advancing in rural areas," he said. He remarked that "we are all looking for Cecilia" and struggled to "be a responsible society and be able to process problems from a place of peace ...".
Would the claim for Cecilia's disappearance be "processing a problem"?
Would the "place of peace" be not to march against the provincial government demanding justice?
The same Sunday, two thousand people went out to ask for Cecilia, while Capitanich toured villages in campaign – in one of them, he "inaugurated" the remodeling of a square – and in Resistencia the walls that proclaimed the candidacy of Emerenciano Sena as provincial deputy and his wife, Marcela Acuña, as mayor of the city were covered with white paint.
Sena and Acuña are the owners of the "rural zone" raided, whom the governor's statement avoided mentioning.
Suspects of the disappearance of Cecilia and political associates of Governor Capitanich, who were going to the PASO of this Sunday, June 18, in sheets lists with photos, from left to right: Capitanich, Emerenciano and Acuña.
In addition to being a name of magical realism, Emerenciano – he manages funds for a neighborhood that Sergio Schoklender started and later called "Barrio Emerenciano" – has such strong ties to Capitanich that the governor was the best man at their wedding.
And the author of the prologue of his autobiography entitled – another symbol of humility – "Emerenciano Caudillo del Norte".
There he writes: "The poor man is immortal, like the cockroach."
Although he is included in the category – in the poor – he rides in 4x4 trucks, his field where they look for the remains of the missing girl has more than 100 hectares and in his farm in Resistencia they found 5 million pesos in cash.
On Monday, at lightning speed, the Chaco electoral tribunal authorized Emerenciano Sena and his wife to be excluded from the lists of the Chaco Front, at the request of the local Justicialism that Capitanich manages.
It happened at the same time that a former official of Capitanich – president of the Banco del Chaco during the previous administration of the governor, who has been at the head of the province for 12 years – assumed as defense lawyer of Emerenciano and his wife.
Simultaneous actions send a message: On our list you can no longer go, but we do not leave you alone, friend.
From the cell where he was imprisoned while the investigation progresses, Emerenciano sent an audio message to his people: "Do economic activity because we need money not only to eat those of us who are detained but to buy some things that will serve."
He did not explain how they would do "economic activity" but it is seen that the militants understood, because no one asked for any clarification.
A day later, (step number five) two witnesses received threats.
If the origin of the millionaire funds of a piquetero associate of the governor is glassy, the destination for those purchases "that are going to serve" fills the cupboard with suspicion.
While someone hung a sign in front of the prosecutor's office that says Enough of privileges, on Wednesday night a crowd demonstrated in favor of justice and against fear, just in front of the Governor's Office of the province.
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"I send you two monkeys and you end up in the chanchería": the chilling threat to Cecilia Strzyzowski
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