A mood of reconciliation struck most members of the coalition after Monday's fateful vote. "The hook is moderate in law," MK Amit Halevy quoted Pirkei Avot from the Knesset podium. "You are my brothers," Minister Orit Struk had declared on the same podium a few hours earlier.
In closed conversations, ministers sounded even more understanding. "In the situation that was created, we had no choice but to transfer the grounds of reasonableness," explains one of the government ministers. "The matter was not legal but national-social. It was impossible to allow a group of officers to dictate decisions to a democratic government. Almost unimportant was the content of the law. If we surrendered, it would mean that there is no democracy here."
But the same minister knows very well what the opponents of the government are going through. "Our problem is that each side is closed in its own bubble, inflamed by the extremists in the camp, fed fake news and not believing the other side. Both sides, including us as a government, must take confidence-building measures to restore sanity," the minister added.
Knesset approves cancellation of reasonableness // Archive photo
Oil for the fire
Those who did not internalize the duty of moderation in time are the ultra-Orthodox representatives, or at least those of Agudat Israel. They have forgotten another proverb from the chapters of the forefathers: "What is wise? Foresight."
On Tuesday morning, a few hours after the "grounds of reasonableness" riots ended, Agudat Israel rushed to lay the Basic Law on Torah Study on the Knesset table. The timing, as well as the content, was a grand boomerang. It was clear that this was not the time to throw another hydrogen bomb at the Israeli public. The prime minister was quick to clarify that "the law does not comply and will not be promoted." Lapid rightly wondered, "How do those who spoke out against refusal yesterday promote it today in a Basic Law?"
Senior Likud officials, who clearly cannot accept such a law, were quick to speak out against its contents. "A comparison to military service does not belong, is not appropriate and will not be - not in my voice," wrote Minister Amichai Shikli. He may not be a member of Knesset, but one can be sure that there will be at least five brave Likudniks who will not toe the line with coalition discipline if such a law is ever proposed by the coalition. Because its essence fundamentally contradicts the positions of the Likud, and its approval will deal the party a terrible political blow.
So submitting "Basic Law: Torah Study" at the present time was foolish, not only because of the timing and content, but also because of politics. In its isolation from the Israeli street, in its rush to exploit every moment of government power to promote ostensibly sectarian interests, Agudat Israel lost its strongest constitutional-political leverage. Like the CIS countries that voluntarily returned nuclear weapons to Russia in the 90s, Aguda will no longer be able to bring up the Basic Law: Torah Study. Passing it in the Knesset means setting the streets on fire.
Because anyone who talks to the demonstrators and their supporters all over the country understands that the main problem is mistrust. In other words, it is both Levin's reform, and Netanyahu's victory, and the control of the ultra-Orthodox, as well as Ben-Gvir's power, and all of these together that fuel the protests. But more than anything else, it is the distrust of many good people from this country in a government that is unable to calm itself and spirits.
These same citizens simply do not believe the promises and explanations that Israel will remain a democracy, that the Supreme Court will remain strong, and that the country will ever return to what they consider sanity. They don't trust all those reassuring messages.
Do they predict blackness in vain? Captive in their own bubble? Moving on the path of a self-fulfilling prophecy in their view? The answer is definitely yes. Whoever wears black glasses sees everything black.
The trouble is that the government, which has improved its conduct since the winter, too often bothers to throw mud at their glass. Because all the moderate speeches in the Knesset and conciliatory interviews on television will not be able to repair the damage caused by one such act, which proves that the coalition has not yet learned how to run the country responsibly.
Time for realpolitik
In this impasse, in which the Basic Law: Torah Study is dead, only the mouth that is forbidden is the mouth that will permit. With its removal from the agenda, the government had no tools left to continue the exemption for yeshiva students. In the current public atmosphere, it is not possible to approve the Override Clause – even though, like the aforementioned law, it was promised in writing by Benjamin Netanyahu – because Netanyahu promised Biden and the world that the Override Clause would be dropped from the agenda. If he breaks this promise to the American president, a political crisis will indeed break out.
Gafni criticizes the government: "The right does not know how to rule" // Archive photo
The High Court is in a particularly activist mood and is only looking for reasons to quarrel with the government, so that sooner or later it will no longer agree to postpone its decision on the issue of exemption from conscription. Therefore, in order to prevent a constitutional crisis and to prevent in advance a situation in which the High Court of Justice orders the chief of staff to send military police to Bnei Brak, the ultra-Orthodox must propose a creative solution.
This is not a matter of ideology but of realpolitik. Instead of clashing with the Bastille of the High Court, it is right for them to be smart with it. Because if they clash, they will lose. The government is weaker than the High Court of Justice and weaker than the protests, and certainly both. It is not from her that salvation will come.
What does it mean to be smart? To give the High Court of Justice, as well as the Israeli public, something to run with: national service, service in the emergency systems, shortened military service or stage two, military service in designated frameworks such as an ultra-Orthodox arrangement, service for those who do not actually study. Or any of these.
Once upon a time, the Haredim's problem with the army was opposition to Zionism. This de facto question no longer exists. Today it is only the question of friction with secularism that bothers them.
If desired, you can find initial solutions for it. To be realistic, there is no escape from ultra-Orthodox ideas on how to deal with it, since the Likud cannot solve the problem.
Moreover, if Gafni and Purush do not "give something," they will find themselves with nothing. As in the past, the issue of recruiting yeshiva students has already toppled governments. The same will happen this time if no creative response is presented. And the next government, it is not far-fetched to estimate, will already be much less comfortable for the ultra-Orthodox.
Wrong? We'll fix it! If you find a mistake in the article, please share with us