Nothing bad happened to democracy this week due to the enactment of the Law to Reduce the Cause of Reasonableness. The claims in this matter are false and tendentious. But a fundamental crisis is indeed shaking society, and the blame lies not only on one side of the map. It is the product of a diabolical combination of circumstances, heavy past residues and many foreign motives in both camps. But this crisis is not necessarily bad: Nasrallah, Abu Mazen and the ayatollahs may yet be very wrong, and discover that society and the state have emerged from it strengthened.
Knesset approves reduction of reasonableness grounds | Knesset Channel
Because the crisis exposed rifts that were covered up and not dealt with over the years in obscene political deals. They have been obscured by tendentious media, diverting attention from a social time bomb that would inevitably explode in the future. And perhaps now that all its dangers have been exposed, it will be neutralized. The grave mistakes made by the coalition and the lack of restraint on the part of the protest leaders have highlighted fissures in our social contract, which may lead to healthier reconstruction because of their exposure. The design will not be in the outlines planned by the coalition, nor in those of the protest leaders, but in a format that will suit the absolute majority of the country's citizens, and not necessarily those who claim to lead it.
Legislation has no choice
The architects of the protest left coalition leaders with no choice but to go all the way and pass the law. No democratic government or government can accept an attempt at blackmail with threats placed at the doorstep of the parliamentary majority: violent riots in the streets, refusal in the army, economic BDS threats, rebellion by statutory organizations and heads of state bodies – from the Bar Association and the Medical Association to the Attorney General. Such attempts at rebellion must first be repelled without blinking.
The gun to the coalition's head also included an ultimate demand to accept the amendment with broad consensus, and any future amendment move: the demand to grant veto power to the opposition is particularly hypocritical, especially when sanctimonious politicians such as Yair Lapid tried to sabotage the government's moves.
Mechzit in action during demonstrations in Ayalon, photo: Reuters
Recall that there was no broad consensus when the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty was enacted by 30 and several legislators, without the presence of a majority of Knesset members. There was certainly no agreement to change our legal and regime system by Aharon Barak and some of his colleagues, who created a judicial power that stands above the authorities authorized to legislate and administer the state. Of course, there was no agreement when a parliamentary minority forced us, contrary to its election promises, to bring the PLO into the heart of the country in the Oslo Accords. There was no agreement even when a prime minister fleeing criminal cases decided to uproot Halutzi Katif, abandoning us to the threats of Gaza's terrorist organizations. In those days, when they cruelly trampled on at least half the people, they claimed that in a democracy decisions are made by a parliamentary majority, because this is the system. Well, the method worked this week as well. The overwhelmingly Democratic majority exercised its authority, only it did so for good purposes, for change.
Internal Accountability
But after repelling the attempted rebellion that Ehud Barak & Co. maliciously concocted, the time has come for the coalition to look with open eyes at the reality that has emerged and change course. First of all, we must decipher what is frightening and infuriating so many good Israelis, some of the best, who take to the streets. Although there was no damage to the democratic fabric this week, a genuine attempt to damage the fabric of life of the general public could really dismantle the package.
The attempted rebellion was repulsed. Ehud Barak, Photo: Herzi Shapira
The protest provides a moral wake-up call to all those who were embarrassed by the results of the last elections, especially those who intended to take advantage of the parliamentary majority to act contrary to the positions of the majority of the public. It is important for government supporters to internalize that most opponents of the reform are not necessarily concerned about the planned legal-legal dynamics, but about the abuse of power that will be added to the Knesset and the government as a result. exploitation for the purpose of personal corruption, while promoting a mentality of corruption in the field of appointments and policies. And most seriously – the exploitation of parliamentary and governmental power in order to fundamentally change the character of the State of Israel. Not in order to strengthen the national-Zionist essence, but in order to turn Israel into an ultra-Orthodox religious one. Among other things, imposing norms that violate individual freedoms and push out the lifestyle and perceptions of at least half of the public.
These concerns must be taken into account, both morally and politically. There is no doubt that for some members of the coalition, certainly in the Likud, the balloon of false accusations inflated by Kaplan's troops is easy to detonate. It is easy for people like Nir Barkat, Yoav Kish and even Yariv Levin to reach agreements and conclude a social contract with the majority of the public, because they themselves are rooted in the same value system as most of the protesters. They must convince them that there is nothing real in the horror scenarios concocted by the protest leaders, and that persuasion will be achieved only through actions and dialogue, and not with empty words.
Prime Minister Netanyahu and Justice Minister Levin, photo: Jonathan Zindel, Flash 90
At the same time, the ultra-Orthodox elements of the coalition must separate mentally from the desire to impart their conservative values on the rest of the public. They will not be able to implement anti-LGBT values, but only to prevent extreme trolling of progressives in the United States. They will not succeed in changing the general character of the population outside their communities. Instead, they should concentrate on areas where they can reach broad agreements: security, settlement, strengthening Zionist and national ties. Just not religious coercion. They will focus on important legislation, of the kind led by Orit Strock, that will make it possible to strengthen the Jewish presence in the Galilee and the Negev. The governance that Itamar Ben-Gvir seeks, if carried out wisely and stately, will also receive broad support.
The justifiable reason for the rebellion
And most importantly – curb the haredi appetite, which is both a major reason for the protesters' outcry and endangers the very existence of society. Because Basic Law: Torah Study, for example, which some of the ultra-Orthodox parties tried to push for this week, is a real reason for rebellion. So much so, that if the protest focused only on equality of burden, it would sweep the vast majority of the people, including people like me. Especially if Gantz and Lapid had pledged that they would never agree to give the ultra-Orthodox a free ticket, unlike Rabin, Peres and Netanyahu. From now on, we must change the rules of the game: Whoever wants rights must bear all the obligations – work and at least national service. There is no greater chutzpah than the current ultra-Orthodox demands, and there is no greater danger to society than the continued cultivation of the line instilled in their case by David Ben-Gurion, which is leading us to the abyss.
Despite everything, the heat of the past few days can and should serve as a renewed melting pot for processing interim agreements between the two camps. Agreements that will become a new social contract in the future, which will take into account the desires and needs of the Zionist majority, which does not really share its central values. The one who should lead the convoy now is definitely the coalition, and it must be joined by the responsible elements from the opposition. This is the time for national responsibility, while understanding the magnitude of the risk, but also the chance.
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