The political establishment finds it difficult to understand what suddenly happened to senior members of the Likud party who decided to jump, one by one, in the "Revolt de la Chamate" movement, to attack Justice Minister Yariv Levin or Prime Minister Netanyahu, when all this is happening after the first clause of the legal legislation is already behind them, and the future of the second clause is shrouded in uncertainty.
It began with anonymous MK Eli Dellal, who announced that he would not support the continuation of the reform unless it was consensual. In other words, Dellal granted automatic veto power to the opposition.
Moshe Ben Simhon
This continued in July Edelstein, who demanded that he personally coordinate with him the continuation of the legislation, and from there to Tali Gottlieb's extraordinary statement, which demanded that the prime minister, the one who with his signature allowed her to run in the Likud, step aside and pass the stick to Yariv Levin in promoting the reform.
After leaving aside for a moment the fact that those wondering from the rival parties could only dream of behaving like Likud members – expressing themselves how and when they wanted, without the tyranny of their own party leaders in the monarchical frameworks – these are still worthy questions that need explanation.
Take over the public discourse
For many Likud members, the intensity of the attack, especially on Yariv Levin, is no coincidence. For the past six months now, the "rebel MKs" have been walking around with a full stomach for the justice minister, who managed to completely dominate the public discourse, for better or worse, with his announcement of the legal reform after the formation of the government.
Some of them, who see themselves as running for the leadership of the movement the day after Netanyahu, have worked for a long time to consolidate their status, both in the public sphere and in the Likud sphere – and then Levin comes along and bypasses them in the round.
Coalition members celebrate the abolition of the reasonableness grounds, Photo: Yoav Dudkiewicz/TPS
Some of them are disgruntled that in the past six months they have not been able to present significant achievements to the public, because the entire media discourse dealt exclusively with reform. Others warned in closed talks six months ago that Levin would lead the Likud to a split and the coalition to dissolution over his controversial plans.
Now that the first law has passed and the Knesset goes on recess, this is the best time for them to go on the offensive. Most of them do not oppose the reform, or at least do not dare to say that they oppose it, but they want to point the finger of blame at the trolling that Israeli society has undergone, and also at the fact that the main part of the reform will be off the agenda for the coming months – towards Levin's misconduct, in their opinion.
At the same time, after all the voices and interpretations that this is a rebellion, it must be remembered that the next time any legislation is put to the test, if at all, will be in many months. So the statements made today are not at all certain to stand the test of time.
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