A group of uniformed officers appears on the screen. One of them sits at the microphone and announces that the incumbent president is impeached, the institutions of government are monitored or scattered, and that the military is taking the reins in the face of inadequate functioning of the civilian government or violation of the will of the people.
Thus, more or less, the average broadcast of a coup in Africa begins, and in the last three years there has been no shortage of like it. Mali, Burkina Faso, and only in the last six months - Niger and Gabon.
Gabon's military leaders announce a coup, August this year, Photo: Reuters
Sub-Saharan Africa is once again gaining the image of a continent where nothing is stable except instability itself. And if not coups, it comes to mind because of dictatorships – as happened very recently with clashes between Eritrean migrants in Israel.
Scenic in the Seychelles. It has been dramatically democratised over the past decade, Photo: GettyImages
In this situation, it is easy to forget that the continent actually has a series of stable democracies. According to the latest report by the US Freedom House, in 2022 out of 54 countries on the continent there were only six free countries: Botswana, Cape Verde, Ghana, Mauritius, Namibia, as well as São Tomé and Príncipe. Several others are on the path to democracy, including Côte d'Ivoire, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Nigeria, Senegal and Zambia.
Another reputable report, V-Dem, states that Africa had one full (liberal) democracy in 2022 – the Seychelles, but electoral democracies such as Ghana, Malawi, Senegal and São Tomé and Príncipe are close to full. As an aside: In an electoral democracy, elections are multi-party, free and fair; Sufficient level of voting rights, freedom of expression and association. A liberal democracy fulfills the conditions of the electoral, plus legislative and legal restrictions on the government, along with equality before the law and protection of civil liberties.
So what makes the persistence of democracies on the continent possible?
Decentralization of power, functioning institutions
"I would be reluctant to say that there are universal characteristics that contribute to better democratic governance in these countries," Dr. Joseph Siegel, head of research at the Institute for African Studies at the Defense University in Washington, D.C., told Israel Hayom. "They all have ups and downs, and the democratic path is not linear. However, two characteristics of governance deserve attention. First, most of these countries (with the exception of Ghana and Nigeria) had no history of military rule. They managed to avoid competition for power and complex transitions from military to civilian rule, which were the lot of 35 other countries on the continent."
Dr. Joseph Siegel, National Security University, Washington, D.C., photo: Courtesy of the subject
According to Dr. Siegel, consistent democracies also have a relatively high commitment to the rule of law. "It enabled and strengthened the transition to constitutionality and a system of checks and balances inherent to the democratic system. As a result, arrangements for the decentralization of power were facilitated, which promoted compromises between competing interests. Also, these countries often avoided leaders who tried to extend their terms. In cases where leaders did try to test the limits of their tenure, they were met with strong protests and opposition from citizens. Therefore, along with the emergence of accountable institutions, these countries have also cultivated democratic values among their citizens. Thanks to these characteristics, these countries also enjoyed stable economic and social growth relative to other countries on the continent."
An event commemorating Mandela at the stadium in Johannesburg, 2013. A model for surrounding countries, photo: Reuters
For her part, the head of the African Studies program at Tel Aviv University, Dr. Irit Beck, points to a cluster of democratic countries in the south of the continent. "This concentration may indicate the influence of post-apartheid South Africa," she says. "South Africa has shown that democracy can work."
The Story of Senegal
A special case is Senegal, and according to Prof. Ruth Gineo of Ben-Gurion University's Department of General History, this is connected to a long cultural-political tradition. "In the revolutionary burst of the Spring of Nations in 1848, France granted citizenship to the inhabitants of its four old colonies in Senegal," says Gineau, whose research focuses on French colonialism in West Africa.
Saint-Louis in 1780. One of France's four oldest colonies in Senegal, photo: Wikipedia
"They could elect to the local assembly in Dakar, and even send a delegate to the National Assembly in Paris. When France occupies all of Senegal, there will be millions without rights, but there will still be an elite that understands what democracy is, what a free press is, and these things have not happened in any other country in Africa.
Demonstration in favor of opposition candidate Sonko. "Democracy as national pride", photo: AFP
"I think it's had a lasting impact, because democracy is something that needs to be learned. In Senegal, democracy has become part of nationalism, part of national pride. People are aware of the importance of their voice, that the government can't do what it wants, as happened when current President Macky Sall tried to extend his term."
Passers-by near the Grand Mosque in Tuva, Senegal. "Democracy as national pride", photo: AFP
Another characteristic that strengthens democracy in Senegal is the separation of church and state, which dates back to the French constitution. Islam in Senegal is also doing its part. "The Sufi orders, which emphasize the personal relationship with God, have a lot of political power and are very opposed to fundamentalist Islam," Gineo says. "When one of the presidential candidates, Osman Sonko, was said to have a penchant for fundamentalism, he was quick to vehemently deny it. As far as the Senegalese are concerned, their Islam is moderate."
Dr. Beck: "Disappointment encourages coups"
According to the V-Dem Index, Africa has led in the relative number of countries in the process of democratization. Of only 14 countries in the entire world that are on this path, five are in Africa. However, the opposite trend, which sweeps 42 countries around the world, is shared by 12 Africans. "Africa is different in that its democratization processes began relatively late," says Dr. Beck. "It also affects their perception. South Africa has become a model, but since the abolition of apartheid it has been ruled by the same party and corruption calls into question many of democracy's achievements.
"Nigeria has free elections every four years, but also serious security problems because of terrorist organizations in the north and because of crime in the city of Lagos. So people ask if democracy lives up to their expectations. Military coups are often supported because democracies have not fulfilled their purpose."
The juntas promise improvement – not deliver
At the same time, military rule does not bring improvement. "We should not attribute altruistic motivations to the military juntas that have seized power in seven African countries (so far) since 2020," says Dr. Siegel. "In each case, it was a takeover for the sake of a takeover. In some cases, such as Sudan and Chad, coups are designed to continue control. In other cases, they were intended to reaffirm military authority after a brief period of movement toward a civilian and democratic government, such as in Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Niger.
Senior members of Niger's junta. Confidence actually dropped, Photo: Reuters
"In these four countries, economic and development indicators were significantly more robust during the Democratic administration. So when the juntas claim they had no choice but to intervene, these are completely biased claims."
According to Dr. Siegel, even from a security point of view, the juntas are not keeping their promises. "Since the coups in Mali and Burkina Faso, there have been twice as many violent incidents by extremists and three times more deaths. These coups are merely a seizure of power by special units and presidential guards. Why? Because they can, nothing more."
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