Status: 12.12.2023, 12:24 p.m.
By: Markus Grabitz
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Anna Lührmann, Minister of State at the Federal Foreign Office. © Maurizio Gambarini/Imago
Minister of State for Europe Anna Lührmann calls on the European Council to clear the way for accession negotiations with Ukraine. Hungary should abandon its resistance.
In an ideal world, the heads of state and government would send a clear signal in favor of Ukraine four times at the EU summit on Thursday and Friday of this intense week in Brussels. And it did so with a yes to the start of accession talks, to the five billion euros for military support next year and to the 50 billion euros in economic aid, as well as to the 12th package of sanctions against Russia.
This would not only be important for Ukraine, but alsogood for the EU's image as a geopolitical actor, says a diplomat at the start of the intensive week. But when it comes to Russian aggression against Ukraine, there is a problem with the "Hungarian hooligans". He is referring to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, whose obstruction is now causing even diplomats in Brussels to make undiplomatic statements. In an interview, Minister of State for Europe Anna Lührmann explains the situation.
Minister of State, at the end of the week, the European Council will take important decisions on the future of the EU, namely enlargement and internal reforms. But Viktor Orbán could blow up the agenda....
It would not be the first time that Viktor Orbán has tried to play games with the whole community for his own purposes. His behaviour is highly lacking in solidarity. The other 26 member states agree that Russia's attack on Europe's peace order poses a major threat. We know that the best way to confront Putin is to put up a clear stop sign together and to support Ukraine decisively, financially, militarily and humanitarianly. It is very important that we offer Ukraine a clear EU perspective and back it up with action. Only Orbán is undermining this course. This leads to annoyance and incomprehension in all 26 capitals. That's not how we work together in the EU. In the EU as a community of values, consensus and cooperation are very important to us.
The EU has committed itself to enlargement, but has also stressed the importance of internal reforms. Do the two go hand in hand, or should there be reforms first and enlargement second?
The admission of new members and the reform of the EU go hand in hand. This was explicitly stated by the Heads of State and Government at the informal Council in Granada. This principle is to be reaffirmed at the forthcoming European Council. It is important that we, as the EU, remain capable of reform, just as we expect many reforms from the candidate countries. This is what we have set out in the so-called Copenhagen criteria. We, the EU, must guarantee our readiness to take in refugees.
What does that mean?
Our goal is a bigger and stronger Union. To achieve this, we need to maintain and improve our ability to act. The aim is for the Council to take decisions more quickly. We want individual countries to no longer be able to block the Community. We want there to be fewer vetoes. But we also need to talk about the protection of European values. How can we make our rule of law instruments better, even more effective? But it is also about institutional reforms. For example, the question: How big should the European Parliament or the European Commission be in the future?
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This article is IPPEN. MEDIA as part of a cooperation with the Europe.Table Professional Briefing – first published by Europe.Table on 11 December 2023.
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"More capable of acting" is the watchword
You talk about more ability to act, whereas in the past there was talk of deepening. Deepening sounds further in the direction of the federal state. Strengthening the ability to act sounds like "carrying on as before", only "better".
Deepening is a term that is no longer used so often in the reform debate today. It dates back to the time of the last convention almost 20 years ago, for which I was rapporteur in the Bundestag. It was all about deepening. Today, instead of debating 'more' or 'less', we are concentrating on the goal of a stronger, more effective EU.
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And what does it mean to be more capable of acting?
We should first discuss our goals as the European Union: we want to be a geostrategic actor that is perceived as powerful and can act confidently vis-à-vis China and Russia. We want to act sovereignly, even if there is a change of government in the United States. We want to help achieve climate neutrality worldwide. And then we have to ask ourselves what instruments we need for this. With this approach, we will go further in the EU circle than if we repeat the slogans of the last 20 years.
In which areas is Germany committed to qualified majority voting?
We are striving to extend majority voting in the common foreign and security policy, in tax policy and in technical issues of enlargement policy. We coordinated this with France at an early stage. Since then, we have continued to work in a group of friends of foreign ministers. There are now eleven Member States that have identified three specific areas that we want to get out of unanimity.
Farewell to unanimity
How should the farewell to unanimity work in concrete terms?
For me, it is important that we make use of the flexibility of the Lisbon Treaty. The Lisbon Treaty makes it possible to transfer individual policy areas to qualified majority voting without treaty amendments. The keyword here is the so-called passerelle clause.
Do you want majority decisions in all foreign policy?
This is our vision. Of course, we are also thinking about mechanisms that provide a safety net: if an issue of the core national interest of a Member State were seriously compromised, then it should be possible for us to deal with it at the highest level.
What's next?
I see a positive momentum. It is true that many Member States are currently not open to treaty changes. But they point out that the Lisbon Treaty is suitable for enlargement. I hear this again and again: "The Lisbon treaty is enlargement proof." Then let's take advantage of the existing opportunities! Our aim is for the Belgian Presidency to draw up a reform framework from January. It is intended to define concrete goals and a timetable for implementation. At the end of the day, we need unanimity in the European Council for the changes we are seeking.
Lack of majorities for Convention
Parliament is calling for a Convention. This is also stated in the coalition agreement. Nevertheless, one hears little from Germany about it, why?
The coalition stands behind its treaty. A convention is and remains a good goal. I keep talking about the Convention, but I don't see much enthusiasm on the part of my colleagues in the Council. That is why we are working to achieve EU reforms in other ways as well.
Ukraine is already a candidate for membership. The German government and others want negotiations to begin. Orbán is against it...
26 EU member states are in favour of taking the next step on Ukraine's path to the EU and opening accession talks. Ukraine is showing an enormous will to reform. I therefore expect the European Council to take this decision this week.
"26 countries are ready"
Would it be a compromise to postpone the decision until the March Council?
No, I don't see that. That would send the wrong signal to the Ukrainians. 26 Member States are ready. The Commission has found that Ukraine has fulfilled the agreed criteria. The Commission proposes that the decision be taken now and that negotiations start in March. That's the way to go.
Is it possible to conduct accession negotiations with a country that is at war and has an unclear national border?
We are already in the process of preparing for accession with Ukraine in a very concrete way. In the midst of Russia's brutal war of aggression, Ukraine is making impressive reform efforts. Take media law and judicial reforms. The prospect of accession is vital for the people of Ukraine. It gives them hope for a life in the EU, a life in peace, freedom and security. Ukraine is deeply committed to implementing the reforms required of it. Yes, we should conduct accession negotiations with Ukraine.