"I've seen erroneous reports claiming that the U.S. prevented and is preventing us from operational operations in the region — that's not true." This is how Netanyahu responded on Sunday to criticism that begins with the fighters, extends to their families and reaches government ministers.
The person who summed up the public's frustration was Minister Nir Barkat. "We are too nice and too considerate," he said, "It is unacceptable that we would endanger our soldiers and send them exposed in all kinds of buildings without having bombed beforehand. Surrendering to any external pressure, even if it's to our best friends, is a serious mistake for which we pay a heavy price." In other words, Barkat says, Israel's surrender to American pressure costs soldiers' lives.
"We are too nice", Minister Nir Barkat, photo: Oren Ben Hakon
Let's start with the facts. Since the end of the truce, and certainly last Saturday, there have been fewer air force bombings, and more casualties among ground forces. Commanders on the ground point to the reduction in air cover as one of the reasons for the large number of fatalities. By all accounts, however, this is not the only reason. Thus, for example, the desire not to harm abductees who may be present in the currently cleansed areas requires more precise action than heavy bombing that indiscriminately destroys.
Still, US President Biden stepped up his messages on the humanitarian aspects of the war when he spoke with Netanyahu on Tuesday. According to the White House, "The president emphasized the critical need to protect the civilian population, including those supporting the humanitarian relief operation, and the importance of allowing civilians to safely move away from ongoing combat zones." In other words, Biden wants less bombing and more supplies to Gaza – contrary to Israel's interests.
Palestinian documentation: Israeli Air Force bombings in Gaza | Arab networks
The administration's stubborn stance, the prolongation of the war, the failure to crush Hamas so far, and the rise in casualties reinforce the fear that while America is helping us with one hand, it is also making it too difficult with the other. At this point comes the disappointment with the War Cabinet, which, at least in the opinion of some people, is not standing in the way.
The article by former National Security Council head Meir Ben-Shabbat, a former confidant of Netanyahu and a man who traditionally does not criticize governments, shows the magnitude of the concern. "The conditions for Hamas fighters have been eased," Ben-Shabbat wrote. "They benefit from the supplies that Israel allows to be delivered to the population through the Kerem Shalom crossing. The fuel that enters the Gaza Strip is used to operate the tunnels.
Intensified the messages, President Biden, Photo: AFP
"Hamas is showing patience, maintaining its senior command, projecting governance, feeling wooed by Qatar and Egypt, slowly shaking off the stain of ISIS that clung to it on October 7, drawing encouragement from internal pressure in Israel and reports on the political hourglass, and seeing a horizon of hope for survival and exhausting the bargaining chips in order to end the war with an 'arrangement.' Such a final picture would be another disaster for Israel's security."
In other words, Ben-Shabbat, Barkat and others believe that the War Cabinet is not standing firmly enough vis-à-vis the Americans. The political echelon rejects the criticism. Several sources told Israel Hayom that the pressures are repelled as long as they clash with Israel's interests. For example, Netanyahu made it clear to Biden on Saturday night that the war would take a long time until all the goals were achieved, even though the president pressed for more caution.
"Hamas feels wooed", Meir Ben-Shabbat, photo: Efrat Eshel
Gallant dismissed Blinken's statement that he wanted "war for a few more weeks," saying instead that it would take months. Gantz, like the rest of the war cabinet, rejected the initial expectation of avoiding ground maneuvers, and backed the massive movement of Gaza's population and the continuation of the fighting without stopping, despite American claims of "indiscriminate killings." According to the sources, all the restrictions that Israel took upon itself were made of its own free will and in accordance with Israeli interests.
Regardless of Washington?
This argument is a bit strange, because at the beginning of the war the policy was the opposite, and the siege on Gaza was one of the levers to break Hamas. Even gallons of explanations have been spilled about the terrible damage caused by the introduction of gasoline.
Now the political establishment suddenly claims that Israel does not want a humanitarian catastrophe, so supplies to Gaza have been renewed, regardless of Washington. As for the reduction in bombing, this is done for operational considerations, including the terrain in which the forces are currently operating, as well as the desire not to harm the abductees. It seems that the "arms economy," as Maj. Gen. Eliezer Toledano put it yesterday at a cabinet meeting, is also leading to a reduction in the IDF's fire screens in the Gaza Strip.
Blinken: "Israel cannot run the Gaza Strip" || Reuters
In the midst of all these considerations, is it impossible to stretch the rope more vis-à-vis the United States? History teaches us that when Israel insists on its positions, Americans ultimately respect it. In addition, it is safe to remember that in an election year, Biden is being challenged by Trump on the right and not by progressives on the left. So an Israeli cry of Gewald would bother him more than a few more dead Gazans.
The bottom line is that for us these are questions of life and death, and there is no doubt that the soldiers receive less air and artillery support on the ground than at the beginning of the campaign. There are clear operational cases in which planes or drones can be sent, but for obscure reasons the ground forces are tasked with the tasks. This attitude must change. By the same token, humanitarian supplies should be reduced, as its introduction strengthens Hamas and prolongs the war. This must be put to an end.
IDF activity in the Gaza Strip, photo: IDF Spokesperson
Our leaders need to be tougher and return to maximum power over Hamas. Israel's security doctrine – whose abandonment was one of the reasons it led to Simchat Torah's great failure – advocates short wars. 80 days is certainly enough time to step on the gas pedal again without any restrictions.
Wrong? We'll fix it! If you find a mistake in the article, please share with us