On the way to the northern border for a briefing of foreign ambassadors in his final week as foreign minister, Eli Cohen did not rest for a moment. Next to him in the car survived two yellow notebooks, in which he writes and deletes tasks throughout the day and skillfully operates his people from afar. The driver and security guard are required to remain completely silent inside this mobile office. They talk to each other only when a launch is on the horizon, and the secured vehicle is asked to slow down as it enters Hezbollah's firing range. A rather surreal reality, which Cohen will soon have to explain to representatives of foreign countries, which are pressuring Israel not to start another war on its northern border, but are falling silent in the face of the absurd situation, in which tens of thousands have been refugees from their homes for the past three months.
Cohen is pressing and anxious to complete two main tasks within a few days, so that they will be part of the final picture of his (for now) short tenure at the Foreign Ministry. Indeed, in the time that elapses between writing the interview and publishing it, it meets its goals. He signs an end to the long-standing three-year labor dispute at the ministry and is pushing in the final stretch to pass the loyalty to the state in diplomatic posts law in second and third readings – just hours before the Knesset plenum approves the change of staff in the coveted ministry, which he will leave behind in favor of the Energy Ministry.
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Over the past year, Cohen has managed to hop between dozens of countries, short visits have been celebrated, significant agreements have been signed, embassies have been inaugurated – including one particularly strategic one on the border with Iran. Still, the ceremony of changing the important office in wartime only a year after he took office still seemed like a political arrangement in bad taste. When I ask Minister Cohen if in retrospect he would have made the same political deal, he answers emphatically yes, but does not evade criticism.
"This political arrangement, a year or two or a year, is crooked at first, and it was right to divide the period into two years at a time, but I respect agreements. There is no agreement that I did not respect, even when I was a businessman. When you run long distances, respect agreements," he recommends. "I think I've proven that even in one year it is possible to achieve very significant achievements. I must admit that the position I wanted during the coalition negotiations was the Ministry of Finance, and there were two days when I was already in this position and they asked me about a representative from Shas who would serve as my deputy. I wanted to deal with narrowing gaps and giving equal opportunity to all, but I'm not sorry, on the contrary. I leave the Foreign Ministry with a great sense of satisfaction."
The output is indeed dramatic: 36 visits around the world, four embassies expected to go to Jerusalem, four new embassies in Israel (two of them Muslim countries – Azerbaijan and Chad), the inauguration of a new embassy in Turkmenistan, a free trade agreement with the United Arab Emirates, the opening of Oman's skies to flights from Israel, and almost a historic agreement with Sudan.
Why almost?
"There is a draft ready for a peace agreement with Sudan, three pages," Cohen recalls sadly in a process that was at its peak a little over a year ago. "Former U.S. Ambassador to Israel Tom Nides has already told me, 'We are waiting for you in the Garden of Roses [at the White House] for signing an agreement with Sudan.' Unfortunately, the civil war broke out there that delays the issue, but the importance to Israel is critical: the country is located on the shores of the Red Sea, and today it is clear how important it is to ensure that there is no Iranian presence there."
"The defamer will eat the hat"
Despite regret over the frozen process with Sudan, which entered civil war earlier this year, October 7 interrupted the most significant political process for Israel in the Muslim world – normalization with Saudi Arabia. In an unusual political statement, Cohen told us that this was indeed one of the targets of the attack, and officially placed Iran behind Hamas. "Iran saw with horror the regional progress. This alliance would threaten them with security vis-à-vis Saudi Arabia, which sees Iran as its greatest enemy, and the land belt would have produced economic advantages. Therefore, the attack also served Iranian interests and highlighted the importance of that alliance between the countries."
So what are the chances of advancing this agreement again in light of the war in Gaza?
"One of the goals of the October 7 attack was to prevent the peace agreement with Saudi Arabia, but I think it will be signed, because the interest is more Saudi than Israeli. Saudi Arabia wants a regional alliance because they want protection from Iran." He also has a pretty clear forecast about timing: "There is great potential that in the third quarter of this year an agreement will be signed with Saudi Arabia. Saudi interests are clear. They see the United States standing with Israel in the war in Gaza, and they expect the same support from them. President Biden, for his part, will want a political achievement ahead of the elections that will contribute to regional stability and lower oil prices."
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The domestic feasibility of ratifying such an agreement also depends on the Democrats in power. "It's more likely that an agreement brought by the Democrats, the Republicans will support it, not the other way around. The Saudis understand this, too. Lindsey Graham spoke clearly about this during a visit to Saudi Arabia and promised Biden a safety net." Cohen reveals that talks between Israel and other Muslim countries have already matured relations, but they are all waiting for Saudi Arabia as the leader of the Muslim world.
The agreement with Saudi Arabia was led by Prime Minister Netanyahu with the close guidance of his confidant, Minister of Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer, who is often referred to as Israel's "acting foreign minister," especially with regard to relations with Washington. Cohen does not deny the close relationship between Netanyahu and Dermer, but rebuffs the second part of the criticism.
"Ron is a very talented guy with whom I usually consult, and he has accompanied Netanyahu for more than 20 years in various positions. He was an excellent ambassador to the United States, so it is legitimate for the prime minister to appoint a special envoy to Washington and Sharon to serve in that position. This is what previous prime ministers who wanted to keep Washington close to them did, especially since Bibi himself lives and breathes the United States. I worked with Ron in full cooperation this year, and at the same time you could see a dominant and active Foreign Ministry. It is impossible to replace with any appointment 101 embassies and Israel's foreign services."
Two events overshadowed Cohen's tenure in the sought-after office. Only recently did the Israeli daily Haaretz report that he wanted to issue a diplomatic passport to the prime minister's son, and in another incident, when it was reported about his meeting with Libya's foreign minister, this led to a real threat to her life. To these two events he answers briefly.
Do you regret the exposure of the relationship with the Libyan minister, which led to her flight from the country?
"The meeting with Libya's foreign minister was coordinated and approved by all levels in both countries, was planned in advance to be published, and therefore was not leaked but officially published. When the full story comes out, anyone who slandered and attacked will eat their hats, and I hope they will also be able to apologize."
Did the Prime Minister ask you to issue a passport to his son?
"Absolutely not. The passport for Yair Netanyahu was given by the CEO for security reasons. Three former chief executives also approved passports for the prime minister's son in 2009, 2014 and 2018. When it became clear that this was the case, of course the reporter did not issue a clarification."
"Between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River - One State"
When we reach the north, a barrage of 18 rockets of various types greets the minister and ambassadors, a representative sample of the capabilities of Hezbollah, a terrorist organization with alarming capabilities that has managed to paralyze an entire region. The ambassadors are required to evacuate to a protected area upon arrival, and there in the closed room Cohen clarifies the Israeli message once again: Either Hezbollah forces withdraw beyond the Litani by diplomatic means, or Israel will be required to take military action to achieve this goal. Even before we go down with them to the protected area, Cohen sounds not very optimistic about the feasibility of the diplomatic solution he is trying to promote.
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"We are making every effort to promote a political solution and are mainly employing the United States and France, which do not want another war in the region and understand the consequences of such a war. It is enough for us to see the shockwaves of the war in Gaza - we are talking about more than five active arenas, and we explain this to all those countries: The war here is not against Hamas but against Iran. The Houthis receive equipment from Iran, and the same goes for Hezbollah and Hamas. Many have talked about the nuclear challenge against Iran, but today they understand that Iran is like a cancer, it is the number one funder of terrorism in the world."
Do you see progress against Hezbollah?
"Yes, we see that Hezbollah understands that the rules have changed. There is an exchange of messages with senior Lebanese political officials, who tell us that they do not want war in the country but have no ability to influence Hezbollah. It's an army based in Lebanon but receiving instructions from Iran."
Cohen's diplomatic front underwent a change on the morning of October 7. Instead of opening embassies and expanding Israel's international ties, the outgoing foreign minister switched to actions supporting Israel's legitimacy for the war in Gaza. He has conducted more than 30 tours of the envelope, one of which hosted EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell, who is not known to be a supporter of Israel. "When I took office, I had a pleasant conversation with him, and after a month and a half he published an article comparing the IDF to Hamas. I told the Foreign Ministry employees: Know that the conversation will not be diplomatic, and I told him, 'You will not come to Israel.' Your comparison is despicable and delusional. There was a high-pitched conversation that ended undiplomatically.
"After that, we met in the EU for more than an hour. Borrell is an example of a staunch anti-Israel, who moderated his statements significantly and went for a more balanced approach. When he comes to Israel and sees what happened in the envelope, he expresses empathy for us."
But he does not escape his call to promote two states as a solution to the conflict.
"I don't believe in the two-state issue. The recent war in Gaza also caused other parts of the people to sober up and understand that this is historically incorrect and that it is a security risk. Between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea there should be one state, no one will want to build another Gaza Strip in the Kfar Saba area. And I say this to those foreign ministers who visit Israel: A Palestinian state will not happen. It's an unnecessary discussion, but let's help advance peace with other Muslim countries."
And what happens now? Three months after the war began, our political credit seems to be running out.
"You can count on the palm of one hand countries calling on us for a complete ceasefire. There is support for the elimination of Hamas and there are those who want to give advice, but there is firm support for Israel. The airlift to Israel since the massacre, which began with Biden, Macron, the British prime minister, the Italian prime minister and 23 other foreign ministers who came to Israel and shed a tear here, has helped support Israel.
Demonstrations in Libya against Foreign Minister's Meeting with Eli Cohen and Normalization with Israel
"When I went to Kyiv, the first minister from Israel at the beginning of his term, and met there with Zelensky, it was in retrospect the right decision that helped us gain international legitimacy. The entire Western world stood firmly with Ukraine, and this gave us legitimacy to demand that those countries be on the right side of history today even in Israel's war against Hamas and Iran's terror proxies. As far as I'm concerned, there is no political hourglass, because we must eliminate Hamas, otherwise we have no right to exist."
Cohen sees the impact of the Gaza war on the world on a more local level as well. "Since October 7, two elections in Argentina and the Netherlands have elected clearly pro-Israel leaders. In addition, there is great concern among European countries about pro-Palestinian demonstrations, those demonstrations by Islamist elements that they brought into, and those who feel that they have taken the right steps today are Hungary and Poland, which prevented the entry of migrants. By the way, the fear of those European countries about our clash with Lebanon is also because of the forecast of another wave of refugees from Lebanon to them."
Will you support investigative actions into the October 7 omissions?
"I support a state commission of inquiry to investigate how this failure happened, to bring those who failed to justice and to ensure that something like this does not happen again. October 7 will change Israel's security doctrine." Referring again to the Hezbollah case, he admits: "Exclusion alone will not help. We need additional elements such as strengthening the military presence on all the borders of the State of Israel, canceling the shortening of military service and increasing the number of reserve days, as well as changing the mix within the army - we have great appreciation for technology and intelligence, but there is no substitute for ground forces, and therefore the military presence will increase significantly. From now on, there will be reactions to every violation, and they will be extremely severe."
You sat in the political-security cabinet for the past year. Were there any warnings you missed?
"Over the past year, there has been preparation for the Iranian arena, and there was a demand by the defense establishment to receive an additional NIS 12 billion, which was also given, in order to be prepared for any scenario on the Iranian issue and on the issue of the north. Regarding Hamas, the assessments were that it was deterred, and the recommendations were to provide tools for strengthening the economy as a moderating factor. The previous government, as Bennett said, also worked to significantly increase the number of workers entering the State of Israel, and this is also what was presented to the political elements as an intelligence assessment."
"Trust only ourselves"
As part of the close relations with the United States and the aid it provides to Israel, are Biden's people also influencing how the campaign in the south is conducted?
"We do not accept dictates from any country, not even from the United States. The friendship is very great, and it proves that it is our ally both in military aid and on the political side in the international arena in general and in the UN in particular. The United States supports the two goals we have set: the elimination of Hamas and the return of all the hostages. They are also taking part in this in security and intelligence assistance, as well as in the president's own actions vis-à-vis Qatar and Egypt. We also hear that the friends who support us do not want to see the circle of fighting expand and would like to shorten the duration of the fighting in Gaza, but our fighting is not defined in time but in achieving objectives. The more we achieve them, the more we will agree to move on to the next stage, and these are the messages that are passed on."
"Hezbollah is an army that sits in Lebanon and receives instructions from Iran," Photo: Reuters
A new deal is currently being proposed for the release of the hostages. Are we moving towards releasing everyone?
"We will exhaust every possibility of returning the abductees. I met with more than 80 families personally and on delegations abroad. Any of us could have been in this reality. I have two 20-year-old daughters who could be at the party, and a son in the army. We are turning over every stone and applying international pressure, but as of now there is no concrete deal on the agenda, and in any case there will be no complete ceasefire."
And releasing terrorists with blood on their hands?
"Not on the agenda."
What about the issue of the day after in Gaza?
"The day after the most important thing is Israeli security control – the IDF's ability to carry out an operation in Gaza at any point in time and ensure that everything that enters Gaza is checked by the State of Israel. We understand that on the security issue we can rely only on ourselves. On the civilian side, we think that international actors – the United States, Western countries and Muslim countries – will establish an international force to manage civilian life."
Not the time for reform
Two countries that support terrorism and Hamas clearly manage to evade harsh Israeli criticism: Turkey and Qatar, the latter due to dependence on its ability to lead to the release of the hostages. Cohen argues that the time has come to remove the masks from both countries.
"Erdogan is an example of ingratitude. Last February, we were the first country to send an aid mission to Turkey, we set up a field hospital, we saved the lives of 19 people - the second largest delegation to the country. But it turns out that as long as Erdogan is president of Turkey, I don't see relations between Israel and Turkey warming up. Turkey will pay a price in the international arena because it is one of the few countries in contact with Hamas. Turkey has to pay an economic price for its approach."
And Qatar?
"Qatar must not be allowed in the future to be a legitimate player on the one hand, and on the other hand continue to be a major funder of terrorist organizations around the world. In my view, after the war, Qatar will have to choose a side."
The day after the war is not near, but I ask Cohen if it seems that Israel is sliding into elections in 2024. "It's too early to tell. The people, to a certain extent, are tired of elections. I hope that this unity will be maintained, and that the coalition will actually expand. We are on the way to a very challenging economic period, and I estimate that a significant wave of immigration is expected and a national plan is needed to absorb 150,<> immigrants.
"I hope that Gideon Sa'ar will remain in the government after the war and that Avigdor Lieberman will join as well, so that we will have at least 74 members. There were personal disagreements between them and Netanyahu, but in the state camp they acted responsibly when they joined, and I hope Yvette will join as well. So far we have dealt with only one front and there are more, and I hope that we will find the formula for a broader coalition after the war even without the need for elections."
Maybe also because the Likud is crashing in the polls?
"I understand the frustration after that very difficult Shabbat that there is no home in Israel that she has not touched. However, the policies of the Likud and the right are correct, and wartime polls are not representative. I hear more people in the center and on the left holding right-wing views, so I have no doubt that the Likud will become stronger in power. And yes, there are also things that need to be fixed.
"I came to the Likud on the legacy of Menachem Begin. I grew up in a neighborhood where Begin was second only to God. On the ideological and conservative side of everything related to the Land of Israel, he has proven himself. The left today is disillusioned with a Palestinian state that is dangerous to Israel. Although public opinion has shifted to the right, it is important that the Likud sign a new contract with the Israeli public. There will need to be a rethinking of compulsory national service for anyone who does not do military service. The whole issue of coalition finances must be abolished. I have never taken a single coalition shekel. And although most of the coalition funds are justified, they should be at the base of the budget."
Cohen adds: "I am not a religious person, but I am a believing Jew and we must preserve tradition in the country. Even as foreign minister, I made sure not to travel on Shabbat. With the exception of two visits on Saturday, I'm with my family." He goes on to review the problems facing Israel: "It is important to give opportunities to the younger generation in the State of Israel, for our children the economic challenge will be greater. I was a young officer in the army, and my wife was a dispatcher at a communications company, and we managed to buy an apartment. Today this is not possible. We will have to lead an agenda on the economic issue as well."
This week, Israel's Supreme Court struck down the law to reduce reasonableness. In the end, the reform you promoted died.
"The court's decision damages the balance between the authorities and we must create a space for agreement, but at this time we must deal only with the toppling of Hamas, and therefore any engagement with legal reform is unnecessary at this time. I think that amendments must be made to strengthen the separation of powers and prevent further clashes. It is important that we make a sincere effort to reach a broad consensus. In my view, the amendment is important for the country in general and for strengthening democracy in particular, and therefore it is possible to advance some important measures with broad consensus."
After 37 stamps from different countries were stamped in his passport, Cohen says the wonderful sentence to summarize his term: "They told me I was foreign minister with a lot of energy, so it's working out now."
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