In his zeal for deep reform, Javier Milei chose him as the perfect enemy and Pablo Moyano is determined to repay even the most subtle details with what he interprets as a "eulogy". He expressed it publicly when he emphasized that "it is an honor that he says that I am his enemy," and they even support him in his closest circle, where they assure that the truck driver is seen with a renewed enthusiasm, as he has not had for a long time.
"He has found a reason for being and he feels like a protagonist," they slip among their peers in the leadership of the CGT, where at least from the forms they distance themselves from the threats of the unionist, such as the call to "overturn" the DNU and the President's omnibus law, although in reserve they admit that their opinion synthesizes the most generalized feeling within the union in the relationship with the libertarian government.
Since the reunification of Cegetista and despite being part of the leadership triumvirate along with Héctor Daer and Carlos Acuña, Pablo Moyano always exhibited the harshest and most confrontational discourse, although from a minority position in which the handful of unions aligned with Kirchnerism landed. The dominant sectors of the leadership (the big names of the big service unions, the trio of independents that make up UPCN, UOCRA and Obras Sanitarias, and the neighborhood sector) always favored a dialoguist profile that made the combative impetus of the number two of the Truckers innocuous.
The same willingness for dialogue was displayed by the chiefs of Azopardo during the first weeks of Milei's administration, while in private conversations they pointed out with Minister Guillermo Francos the axes of the labor changes that the new administration anticipated. But the presidential mega-decree was at the antipodes of the moderate reform that Francos had promised to his union interlocutors and left the entire leadership that had opted for the path of negotiation with the new tenants of the Casa Rosada off-side.
Faced with the depth of the onslaught that the trade unionists denounced seeing behind the DNU's labor package (against individual and collective rights and their own coffers), Moyano's tough discourse won over the entire leadership. And even some of the most pro-dialogue took the initiative in the confrontation. There are plenty of examples: on December 28, the CEGETA confederal announced the call for the first general strike against Milei 18 days after his inauguration after a private meeting of the first line of the union that decided on the measure of force at the behest of a proposal launched by Daer, which surprised several of his own union allies and added the immediate adhesion of the truck driver and the leaders of the most hard-line of the union. the power plant.
Since the announcement of the general strike and after the closure of all channels of dialogue with the libertarian administration (where the hard wing made up of Nicolás Posse and Federico Sturzenegger also imposed themselves and ordered an end to any negotiations with the unionists), the union leadership deepened the offensive of confrontation, convinced that the new scenario offers it a unique opportunity to regain political prominence and become a leader in the political sector.the vanguard of the resistance to Milei's rule. And Pablo Moyano interprets himself as the union figure who best embodies that resistance.
From the new role assumed and along with the efforts at the judicial level to stop the application of the labor reform contained in the DNU, the Cegetista leadership advanced at a steady pace in the bet to consolidate greater political muscle to confront the Government. In this way, he oiled contacts with Kirchnerism and the rest of the PJ's spaces, advanced in dialogue with the opposition blocs of the UCR and Miguel Pichetto's Federal Coalition, and even approached the political sectors and movements of the left despite the history of differences and confrontations that separated them for decades.
In that same search, Pablo Moyano personally assumed the exercise of pressure on Kirchnerism. "Where are Alberto, Cristina and Massa? They would have to react, convene and be in the streets," he challenged them. And after calling for an urgent renewal in Peronism, he warned that "the last wall of contention in defense of the workers is the CGT."
The trucker's message made a dent in the party structure: this Sunday the twenty political groups that make up the Union for the Fatherland, including the PJ and the Renovation Party, released a statement in which they announced that they will join the strike ordered by the CGT for January 24.
"We are witnessing an explicit attempt to advance on our People and their rights, for the clear benefit of large economic groups," UxP said in the document, adding: "Such a project of popular devastation and annihilation of our sovereignty has President Milei, his government and his allies as executing arms and servants and perpetual indebtedness as its vehicle."