Criminal mining, militarization and indigenous challenges in the Ecuadorian crisis

It was not with surprise, but with regret, that I witnessed the succession of news about violence in Ecuadorian cities.

Just three weeks ago I had returned from the country, after starting filming my next documentary.

At this moment, in the global sphere, Ecuador is observed as a nation on the brink of a social abyss, with consequences that extend throughout the country, especially affecting the most vulnerable sectors of the countryside and the city, historically impoverished and discriminated against. the indigenous, black and Montubia communities, the fishing and gathering communities of the mangroves and peasants of the mountains and the coast.

The complex reality that Ecuador faces today, a supposed state of “internal armed conflict”, officially declared by the Government to justify an internal war against 22 criminal organizations, is the expression of the long and painful fracture of social fabrics, the decomposition of the State mired in corruption and the development model, supported by extractive activities, applied over more than fifty years and in the last 20 with much greater vehemence by four governments, which has corrupted its institutions, which has been hijacked by interests of specific groups.

The recent implosion of the country and the intervention of the armed forces to stop the escalation of violence seeks, from the point of view of war, to stop the scale of criminal violence that expanded throughout its geography.

This military response, with its social complications and the validity of the law, can contain organized crime, eliminating street criminals and their gangs, which will produce a sense of relief for the population and a good image for the government.

However, it will not solve the underlying problem of crime, since the criminal organization and its roots are entrenched in the State, and its highest officials, in Justice and the Public Force, in the National Assembly and in the political parties, true “camorras” that support crime as conduct and ethics.

In the economy that feeds on it and the corruption it generates.

Along these lines, Ecuador has had, in the last two decades, three former presidents prosecuted for corruption, and more than a dozen high officials, vice presidents, ministers, comptrollers, prosecutors, generals, judges, directors and bureaucrats, some fugitives, prosecuted and sentenced. for corruption.

Dollarization, although it brought economic stability, also created favorable conditions for trafficking, money laundering and drug trade, which have turned Ecuador into a territory ripe for drug trafficking and, therefore, vulnerable.

The infiltration of drug trafficking within the Ecuadorian State is evidenced, for example, in the notorious “metastasis case”, an investigation carried out by the Attorney General's Office that resulted in the arrest of high officials such as the president of the Judiciary Council, the highest administrative authority. of the country's judicial function, who allegedly used his position to favor members of narco-criminal groups.

Faced with the deepening of the prison crisis and the conflict, the categorization of organized crime groups as terrorists, the militarization of the country and the war policy has been the government's main proposal, being questioned by organizations and experts warning that it does not It will only strengthen the drug traffickers, but will also increase conflicts and violence in areas already affected by this problem, especially in provinces such as Esmeraldas and Guayas.

Regarding drugs, Ecuador has gone in the last quarter of a century from being a transit country, to one of a laundering warehouse and, subsequently, for laundering, trade and export.

In recent years, Ecuador has been the main drug exporting country to Europe, and in its capitals they are laundered in the financial system, in construction and in the main economic bet of the last governments: mining.

The other side of the coin, criminal mining carried out by groups that are also dedicated to drug trafficking, has infiltrated indigenous and peasant communities, becoming a focus of conflict that has reached the Amazon region and the south of the mountains, although the The coast remains the epicenter of territorial disputes.

Once again, the militarization proposed by the Government to confront this problem, far from solving it, will deepen social gaps, mainly affecting the most vulnerable, such as indigenous and peasant communities.

Criminal mining activities in Ecuador, financed by criminal groups such as Los Choneros and Los Lobos, are on the rise and represent a serious threat to the country's security and sensitive ecosystems.

This practice has become one of the main sources of financing for these criminal organizations, facilitating the acquisition of quality weapons in large quantities.

The militarization of the affected territories will be further intensified in conflict situations, as indicated by the current situation of internal war imposed by the Ecuadorian government.

In Brazil, criminal factions from Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo infiltrate the Brazilian Amazon, co-opting riverine residents and indigenous people.

Drug trafficking seeks to control routes and trails to transport drugs, affecting local communities.

On the border with Peru, the Ashaninka people face persistent threats.

In addition to old problems with Peruvian loggers, drug trafficking persists and intensifies, using communities as “resupply” points.

The absence of the state makes populations vulnerable.

Indigenous leaders must resist threats that have evolved into increasingly intimidating tactics.

In the cities of the Amazon region, urban violence expands to communities, with recurrent robberies, while drug trafficking infiltrates various activities in order to launder illicit money.

The expansion of so-called illicit activities will always need coverage that sustains them and gives them certainty and continuity as an economic activity;

Therefore, the State and its organizations, politics and its settings of laws and control institutions are a necessity.

For this reason, in the political space, certain parties have been co-opted by the mafia, or have become umbrellas for organized crime to operate politically.

The murder five months ago of a presidential candidate is part of this search for control of the State, a way to warn the Government must be with them and not against them.

While this is happening, the Ecuadorian Government has promoted a popular consultation, apparently intended, among other things, to regain control of the territories with illegal mining, but which raises questions about the real understanding of the conflict of criminal mining, and the effectiveness and clarity of the government strategy to solve the problem, since, far from satisfying the legitimate claims of the local populations affected by these activities, it seeks to favor the business sectors around mining.

This lack of coherence in government action increases uncertainty about the future of Ecuador, especially in relation to the management of violence and its impacts on indigenous and peasant communities.

In this context, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon (Confeniae) and environmental and human rights organizations have spoken out in defense of territorial and cultural rights.

With eleven nationalities and 23 peoples, the Confeniae has historically led the fight for the defense of the territory and the rights of indigenous peoples.

His recent statement, issued on January 5 through Facebook, vehemently rejects the Phoenix Plan proposed by President Daniel Noboa, his maximum strategy to confront the situation of insecurity that exists in the country.

The Fénix Plan seeks to establish a maximum security mega prison in the Amazonian province of Pastaza, which has generated concern and opposition from the Confeniae.

The statement highlights the violation of the rights to prior, free and informed consultation, and consent of the nationalities that inhabit the territories of Pastaza.

Furthermore, it criticizes the historical exploitation of the Ecuadorian Amazon by various governments, which have extracted natural resources under the false promise of progress, causing profound environmental and health damage.

Confeniae emphasizes that indigenous territories should not become “sacrifice zones” in the midst of the country's insecurity crisis.

The construction of more prisons, such as that proposed in the Fénix Plan, does not address the structural causes of social injustices and inequalities.

The lack of transparency in President Noboa's statements about the prison project raises additional doubts and concerns.

Indigenous communities cannot be relegated to the background of the way the Government addresses these challenges.

Since they are the ones on the front lines, they must have a seat at the table in designing solutions.

Impacts on indigenous and peasant communities

The risk associated with illegal mining and militarization as the main response is especially worrying for indigenous communities, mainly the territories of the Shuar nation, and the peasant communities of southern Ecuador.

Militarization not only threatens collective rights such as self-determination and self-government, but also raises environmental concerns.

The Government's plans could turn the territories of indigenous communities with illegal mining into key points of conflict, confrontation and fight between the Armed Forces and criminal groups.

This probable scenario would not only imply social risks for these communities, but would also have ecological consequences since these territories host high biodiversity and sensitive ecosystems.

The popular consultation has received well-founded criticism and has raised serious concerns about the Government's ability to address the complexity of the situation.

The government's objectives of regaining control of the security situation in the different territories may clash with reality, especially if the consultation does not translate into truly effective actions.

The lack of clarity in the government strategy and the inclination towards a policy of confrontation and militarization generate uncertainty and strong concerns about the future of Ecuador.

Risks of a war policy against drug trafficking

The Government's current policy, which points towards a war against drug trafficking, results in significant risks.

Past experiences in countries such as Mexico and Colombia demonstrate that this strategy does not eradicate drug trafficking and, instead, strengthens criminal groups and their criminal economies.

The possible lack of capacity of the Government to effectively address the situation and the insistence on this policy threaten to plunge the country into a heartbreaking and ungoverned scenario.

On the other hand, the government's intention is to replicate as much as possible the supposed success of the Bukele model as a panacea for the country's situation, while expert voices have warned that this is neither recommended nor possible.

Measures such as the construction of mega prisons do not address the problem structurally and run the risk of deepening it.

One of the latest decisions of the Government has been to send to the National Assembly of Ecuador a bill of economic urgency that aims to increase the country's VAT from 12% to 15%, a measure with which it intends to increase collection to be able to finance his war policy.

The decision now rests on the legislative function that in previous days expressed its support for the president in his fight against drug trafficking, but which is put to the test with this measure that has been highly questioned and rejected by social sectors such as the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuador (Conaie) and which has been described as an unpopular measure.

The Government has decided to transfer the cost of its war policies to the population, once again affecting the most impoverished, but weeks ago it decided to forgive, through another law of its initiative, large debtors to the Ecuadorian treasury, including companies belonging to his family, one of the richest in the country and the region.

Call to reflection and action

In the midst of these challenges, it is crucial to reflect on the impact on minorities, especially indigenous and peasant communities.

The Ecuadorian elite and other privileged sectors can maintain their status and greater security conditions, but the government's militarizing agenda will directly affect the most vulnerable communities.

How will this situation develop and what measures will be taken to protect the most precarious populations in Ecuador?

The answer to this question is vital for the future of Ecuador.

The path Ecuador chooses to follow will have significant consequences.

Militarization, criminal mining and confrontational politics pose substantial risks, but social resistance, solidarity and the adoption of intelligent and pluralistic approaches can be the key to building a more just and secure future for all communities in the country

For its part, in response to this threat, Confeniae has called for a peaceful walk in rejection of the construction of the maximum security prison in Pastaza, inviting all social sectors to unite in the name of “good living.”

This call for peaceful resistance highlights the importance of solidarity between various sectors of society to face current challenges.

The intersection of criminal mining, militarization and Indigenous resistance presents a complex and critical panorama for Ecuador.

The Government faces the task of addressing these problems in a comprehensive manner, considering the voices and concerns of indigenous communities and other affected sectors.

The path the country chooses will have significant consequences for its future and the protection of its citizens.

Changing the course of the country requires not only confronting the threat of drug trafficking but also transforming a State affected by corruption.

The lack of a vision for the country and the prioritization of group interests over the common good have contributed to the current crisis.

Ecuador not only faces an internal crisis, but also a battle for institutional integrity and the construction of a vision of the country from the reality of being a plurinational State.

As a friend and Ecuadorian film director mentioned to me a couple of weeks ago, in Ecuador, fiction cinema has not been as embodied as documentary cinema.

The reality that the country is experiencing right now is far from fiction;

It is rather the most authentic

cinéma vérité

of Latin America.

Marcos Colón

is a professor in the International Affairs Program at Florida State University.

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