Ignacio Zuleta
03/14/2021 19:30
Clarín.com
Politics
Updated 03/14/2021 19:30
Gains: mistreatment of the opposition, which supports
In campaign time, every bug goes to the grill.
Even intolerance, that poison of politics.
It contradicts the very essence of this art and science, which is to reconcile to make governable what The Joker misgoverns.
But it serves to build muscle and proselytize.
That explains the gesture of the ruling party to
mistreat the opposition
, even when they approach it with meek gestures.
It happens in these hours with the Profits project, which is called to be ruled during the week.
The opposition has said that it will support him because it is in line with the low-tax agenda that the Cambiemos government tried to undertake.
They brought a request for modifications to the Deputies' steering table.
It was Wednesday and
Máximo Kirchner
was present
, who is interested in citing him because it is the leadership - in which he occupies a lateral place, but omnipresent as his mother's delegate - who asks that agreements be sought with the opposition.
It did not work, because the ruling party only admitted the claims for modifications on the project - sent by the Executive - made by the unions.
Trade unionists, the only healthy members
This project is the most important of the Government
to try to regain support
for its candidates in these elections.
If the opposition joins them, the revenue is socialized.
It facilitates the sanction, which would be to fulfill the objective of governing.
But it complicates proselytism, if the opposition comes out to say that they allowed that tax cut.
To avoid this, it was ordered to say that the only bill of changes includes those
requests from the unionists
.
The order was accompanied by
Carlos Heller
, president of the Budget and Finance commission, when he allowed one of the guests to the commission on Friday (which was informative) to charge with insults towards the opposition, pulling him with the full weight of the Macri administration.
These insults from
Mariano Sánchez
, advisor to
Hugo Moyano's
trustee
, led a group of legislators from Together for Change to disconnect en masse and leave the session.
Heller did nothing to bring them back.
He was able to suspend the debate until they returned, a way to repair the absurdity of a guest on that committee insulting the homeowners.
Luis Pastori, Luciano Laspina, Carmen Polledo, Javier Campos, Pablo Torello, Federico Angelini
and others disengaged themselves and left only the ruling party with the extreme left, which also plays intransigence.
They were to sign
Facundo Suarez Lastra and Albor Cantard
with the justification that they were on the list of speakers.
Nor did it serve to dampen the proselytizing rigidity of Peronism in Congress, which will only admit requests from union members, whom
Sergio Massa
received in person with his advisers to listen carefully.
The Juntos por el Cambio interblock received the orders by the entrance table.
Exclusive: the fine print to be approved
This week the ruling party will advance with the opinion, but first it
must give a test of friendship
, with the approval of the protocol that prolongs the format of the blended sessions, in order to be able to gather commissions and call the plenary, surely after Easter.
The final version -which the Government circulates among its own at this time- adds the changes to the original project of low Profits, with apologies for technical details, but reproduces what will go to the premises and few have today in Congress:
- The bonus
up to $ 150 thousand gross per month
is exempted from the tribute
.
It is clarified with the word "have" and is updated by the RIPT index (Average Taxable Remuneration of Workers).
- Deduction of loved ones is added, not only spouses, according to the validity of the coexistence union act is regulated,
whatever the sex
.
The text of the project touches on the emotional when it says that “the deduction provided for in this section will also be applicable for the members of the union based on affective relationships of a singular, public, notorious, stable and permanent nature of two people who live together and share a project of common life, whether of the same or different sex, which is accredited in the manner and conditions established by the regulations ”.
In other words, no polyamores, and it will be necessary to specify "life project".
- It is proposed to
make the requirement for the deduction for retirees more flexible
, establishing a minimum amount of income to lose the benefit, equivalent to the non-taxable profit of article 30, paragraph a) of the law (today at $ 167 thousand pesos).
For example: if a retiree obtained income of $ 2 million from the lease of a field, he loses the benefit, but if he has fixed-term interest for $ 150 thousand, he keeps it.
The same if you receive a rent as rent
-
Mobility and per diem
: it is proposed to consolidate an acquired right of the workers and incorporate the deduction fully into the text of the law - in a similar way to how it is established today through delegated powers -, to avoid that in the future the deduction is limited of mobility expenses.
-
Patagonian Zone Benefit
: it is proposed to incorporate an article that establishes that the benefit remains in force.
It is redundant, but is incorporated to close the discussion.
- The delegation of powers to establish incremental deductions is maintained from the original project, for salaries of $ 150 thousand to $ 173 thousand and
thus avoid "jumps"
in the scale.
- The validity of the project will be
retroactive to January 1,
2021. According to the project, it is an additional tax relief for the 1,267,000 workers and retirees who will stop paying the tax for the new floor of $ 150 thousand, since What you paid for January and February and paid for March in income tax will be returned to you on your April pay stub.
The political argument is that this will bring $ 10 billion to retirees during April, which will go directly to consumption.
The intransigence of the intransigents
Unthinkable that the ruling party in the campaign shared so much munificence with the opposition, although it would have ensured that it
will give the quorum and the votes
for the project to come out.
Is it possible in another way?
Difficult, because most of the protagonists of this comedy have assumed the positions they hold, also exercising intolerance, consuming and making others consume the poison of intransigence.
The test of talent would be that some of them take on the toxic and destructive side of doing politics from intransigence, and open the game to some overcoming of the confrontation.
Passing laws in these conditions generates fragile and short-lived situations, and the measures that should pave the future become obstacles.
The first thing a politician must learn is to make government decisions
only if he can secure them over time
.
If the rules come out by a few votes, they are bread for today and hunger for tomorrow.
They will last as long as the political cycle of their authors lasts.
The only thing that a public decision maker should think about is what will happen to the rules that he resolves when he is not in power to defend them.
It is simple to understand, but hard to apply if intransigence is one of the pillars of public life.
The other is regenerationism, a toxin that induces everyone who assumes the government to
believe that it must upset everything
, turn it around and leave nothing standing.
This is the basis of the negative dialectic of governments, which destroy what they have found and do not build anything either, because they do not call for the creative consensus of the new.
In the meantime they have a cell phone payment, office, secretary, car and protection.
At this point, crime pays.
What Scioli and Massa asked for, and did not get
In short, Peronism embraces its trade union partners –who was going to support it without broadening its base- and snubbed the opposition –which would provide it with sustainability.
The profit is in the cartel, in the proselytism, something that is not negligible in the campaign either.
Although it evokes scenarios from the past.
In 2015, at the Tucumán governors' summit that occurred between the first and second electoral round (October 29),
Daniel Scioli
demanded from the then president a campaign advertisement that contained a drop in Earnings, which was a campaign flag. of Macri.
Cristina rejected it
.
It is unprovable that it had not influenced the result of the November 22 ballot, and could change fate.
This new version of the tax reduction
evokes the worst Massa
–in the eyes of Christianity–, who is Macri's partner Massa.
He already claimed in another round of the tax reform, in December 2016, a more extensive reduction than that proposed by Macri.
The governors broke it up, to defend the funds that go to them by co-participation.
The current project was born at a summit in Chapadmalal, improvised on the day of January when
Martín Guzmán
was walking through the port of Mar del Plata cutting ribbons with
Fernanda Raverta
.
Massa complained about Guzmán's project to suspend the lowering of the income tax rate, which he had arranged to alleviate the effects of the plague.
Guzmán had managed to save that project, and that this reduction in the aliquots applied only to personnel essential or directly affected by the plague, but not to the generality of taxpayers.
Guzmán is also adamant
that they approve the project he presented last December, so that the improvements in the payment of Earnings, which the Macri government had ordered to companies, be lifted.
This weekend it sent a version that
distinguishes between SMEs and large companies
.
The "going back" project goes hand in hand with the support of the Economy for the tax on large fortunes.
The fight is open, but it is a jump with a net.
Nobody is willing to fight with Massa, even if he manages to invoice the drop in earnings on wages as his own triumph, which seeks to flatter the middle sectors that today seem to support the opposition.
Something that very few government fiscal initiatives have had so far, except for the emergency, which Guzmán begged and achieved in the first two months of his administration at the end of 2019 and January 2020.
This attempt to improve the electoral profile of Peronism is a
claim that is difficult to carry out
, in a country where the large blocks of votes are unshakable.
Macri, despite the disaster economy that he managed since 2018, obtained more votes than in 2015 and 2017, and retained the same segment of votes for Juntos por el Cambio as in 2019. He did so without advancing in reforms such as the one proposed by Massa , something that in 2018 the then senator
Miguel Pichetto
, who led a dissident Christian bloc, and who was a majority in the upper house,
had already proposed to his government
.
same love, Same Rain
Recurrence is understood, because the authorship is the same: the team of economists that make up, on all those dates, among others,
Diego Bossio and Guillermo Michel
.
They may have better luck this time than the other times they made this recipe.
The science of these experts who have worked with Pichetto before and now with Massa has beaten that of Guzmán's experts.
In terms of electoral illusion, the equation is simple: between 2011 and now, the percentage of contributors to Earnings adding active and passive wage earners
grew from 10% to 25%
.
The measure benefits almost 1,400,000 taxpayers, at a cost of $ 42,000 million.
As that money that goes to the pockets passes to consumption, the
power point
distributed by the sponsors of the measure promises that
the treasury will recover 70%
through consumption taxes.
The project adds a clause that enables the AFIP to increase deductions through regulations, to avoid "jumps" in the scale of the highest wage earners.
Opposing benefits
On the well-being of Pichetto.
Ambassadors bound for Buenos Aires seek him out to meet him.
From Spain he was committed to a lunch this week with Ambassador Javier Sandomingo.
They ask for reports from Madrid on this novelty, which is republican Peronism.
And there are generous detachments.
On Friday Pichetto goes to Mendoza
with
Ramón Puerta
and has already got a private plane to bring him closer.
An unwritten law of Creole politics says that until you have a plane at your disposal you are nothing.
With an airplane it is something else.
They will be at the presentation of
Mauricio Macri's
book on Thursday
, which is the axis of all the opposition agendas of the week.
On Tuesday the radicals
Alfredo Cornejo
and
Mario Negri
have a turn to visit Formosa.
On the same day, in the exercise of bilocation, Negri makes an appearance in Bahía Blanca
to support Maxi Abad
in his dispute with
Gustavo Posse
for the leadership of the UCR in Buenos Aires.
That intern was nationalized, like the one this Sunday in Córdoba, because referents of the national level who seek a foot in key districts compete.
Posse has the backing of the Capital UCR, partner of
Horacio Rodríguez Larreta
, which remains neutral in the dispute.
Four-eye negotiations
Enrique Nosiglia's
intervention
in support of Posse in Buenos Aires seeks to reinforce the number of delegates at the party's national convention, which is where the
alliance
format
for 2023
will be decided
.
There the radical sector seeks to place
Martín Lousteau
as a candidate for everything possible.
The Abad wing, whom Negri supports, expresses the radicalism of the interior of the province, which disputes power with Posse (which has a friendly signal from the PRO), which is the suburbs.
Abad controls the block of deputies in the La Plata Legislature and has a majority in the Senate.
They add as an adversary in addition to Posse, the ruling party, which wanted to demolish that opposition control in the Legislature.
Posse raises a flag of independence from the PRO of the UCR, and adds traditional sectors of the party, such as
Fredi Storani and Juan Manuel Casella
, and they reproach the Abads for following the PRO.
This tension makes them put on the field all the resources they have, including those external sponsors who symbolize the tensions of national radicalism, even if they are not candidates in the province, as they are, on one side and the other, Lousteau or the doctor
Facundo Manes
.
They multiply with such a desire for ubiquity, that they arouse jokes such as the one that says they were seen negotiating the four of them at a station on Route 2: Lousteau, Manes, Lousteau's ego and Manes's ego.
They came to nothing.
To the polls.
Francisco greets himself
Below, or above these gestures of intolerance, there are currents of understanding.
This time they were enabled by
Pope Francis
, who made himself celebrate the eight years of his pontificate with a multiparty letter, which gathered more than
200 signatures of public figures
from politics and business, and some stars from the blogosphere.
Almost everyone was there, except those who surely sent personal messages to Pope Bergoglio for the date - such as current presidents and those who have left.
Francisco is a shaker of serenity and more so when he warns that there are threatening waves.
That he was behind the greeting, is proven by the fact that the request for signatures included important references who hid their identity in the press dispatches.
For example, that of
Juan Grabois
, who signed this letter together with officials and opponents, which must be included in the list of the most notable gestures of agreement in a long time.
Grabois, head of the popular economy movements, has grown in importance with the Fernández government, but he has his own agenda, as shown by street protests in CABA or in criticism of the actions of the
Insfrán
government
.
One of the senior commanders of Scholas Occurrentes, the layman
Enrique Palmeyro
,
has an office in his CTEP headquarters in the Constitución neighborhood
, who also signed the letter and took care of adding others.
Revoleo of cassocks and change "in pectore"
Francisco celebrates
Nelson Castro's
book
on the health of the popes, and that it helped him to return to play with the I travel-I do not travel, with which he has entertained the entire parishioners.
The only thing left to do is capture Miguel Pichetto, who sets up his speeches in rejection of Bergoglian "poorness" and is not doing badly at all.
Bergoglio is confined to the Vatican, which is more closed than ever because of the plague.
This prevented any celebrations for the eight years of the papacy.
Even the Argentine embassy is in session virtually.
In January he had Monsignor
Oscar Ojea
as a visitor
and discussed with him the new leadership of the Episcopal Conference, which will be elected next month.
Ojea has all the numbers to continue in charge of the CEA, with Mario Poli as vice 1 ° and Marcelo Colombo (from Mendoza) as vice 2 °.
Carlos Alfa, secretary, serves two terms and can be replaced by Pedro María Laxagüe, bishop of Zárate-Campana.
This roll of cassocks is attractive because Poli, primate of Argentina and archbishop of Buenos Aires, turns 75 next November.
He must resign from office
and Bergoglio must have
his replacement
in pectore
.
There are those who play a few tickets to
Victor Fernández
, his most faithful bishop, editor of his most exquisite writings -even encyclicals-, and to whom he entrusted the diocese of his most bitter adversary when he was in Buenos Aires, the former bishop of La Plata Héctor Aguer.
"Tucho" Fernández has been the man of difficult missions, such as screwing control over the Argentine Catholic University, where Fernández was rector for almost a decade.
