The current government is ostensibly a "unity government" socially, with a right wing and a left wing.
But in fact there is no social left in it.
There is no real content in the hollow social-democratic declarations of Labor and Meretz, and Bnei Gantz has no interest in questions of social equality.
The right wing in government is much stronger.
The right and new hope are ideologically linked to a neo-liberal social right.
Yisrael Beiteinu is right-wing in its views and policies, combined with certain sectoral claims in favor of elderly people from the Commonwealth of Independent States.
And there is a future that is not a center-left socially, as it is sometimes mistakenly classified.
It is clearly a party based in Israeli society, both in its supporters and in its social programs.
Right-wing parties are the source of most of the government's power in the Knesset.
Its senior ministers are right-wing and control the offices of the prime minister, finance, foreign affairs, home affairs and justice.
This character was already marked in the formation of the government, when Avigdor Lieberman was entrusted with finance.
Indeed, his actions have the enthusiastic support of neoliberal commentators like Nehemiah Stresler: budget austerity from the donkeys in the democratic world, refraining from supporting the rebellious poor under slogans to focus support on working families and out of aspiration to harm ultra-Orthodox poor .
Assistance to the Arab Arabs will be provided according to the method that has long been used by the Israeli right, including the Likud: sectoral support, this time through RAAM, which was cast for the position of sectoral agency filled by Shas and Torah Judaism.
God forbid not to extend universal welfare, education and housing services to anyone who needs them.
The hollow nature of the social declarations of the "left" in government can be learned from the actions of his parties already in the coalition negotiations.
Merav Michaeli and Nitzan Horowitz vehemently demanded no government ministry of social significance such as finance, welfare, education, the economy, social equality or agriculture.
None of these were more important to Michaeli than homeland security or transportation.
Horowitz took on the health portfolio, the issues of social equality concerning which were largely settled in the Health Law in the 1990s.
The right has taken all the social portfolios, because the left in government is impersonating parties.
Therefore, for example, the abandonment of housing prices in the country continues.
Minister of Construction Zeev Elkin continues to allocate land using the auction method at a high price, which only increases the price of housing, instead of marketing land cheaply, as required.
It does not occur to him a massive construction of public housing.
A "fat jug" of tens of thousands of public apartments in need of renovation has just been discovered, which will quickly prepare them for the expected wave of immigration.
For the waiting homeless it will no longer help.
They are not really interested in right-wingers like Elkin or the Labor and Meretz people.
What about them and this trouble.
The Minister of Finance, Lieberman, the Minister of Agriculture on his behalf, Oded Forer, and the Minister of the Economy, Orna Barbibai Mish Atid, are preparing to address the problem of the cost of living by attacking farmers.
They increase the import of agricultural produce.
Maybe the concerned farmers will be properly compensated, maybe not.
The "left" has no ability to do anything about it.
But it does not occur to Lieberman and Barbibai to attack the monopolistic importers of consumer goods to Israel, who are the source of the problem, along with the marketing chains.
Lieberman and Barbibai leave the competition authority as a depleted, toothless organ that will not disturb the peace of the capitalists.
Our social affairs are run by a right-wing government.
The reason is simple: the voters of the government parties, including Labor and Meretz, come from the high deciles of Israeli society.
Voters from the lower deciles vote en masse for the Likud and the ultra-Orthodox and Arab parties (some for Lieberman).
They have no hope of parties impersonating "social democracies" such as Labor and Meretz.
Moshe Kahlon recently tried to meet their needs, and failed.
Will the Likud, the non-sectoral popular political force in Israel, adopt such a new social path that will suit its voters?
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