Good Right, Bad Right Israel today

Earlier this week, on the evening of "Jerusalem Day," Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked tweeted: "More flags, more joy, more sovereignty and zero missiles."

This was her graceful contribution to the message that the change government was urgent to promote in any way and at any cost: with Netanyahu, they canceled the parade and snatched missiles, and here under Lapid and Bennett, "the Jews are raising their heads," as she puts it.

This is a dubious comparison, because the jarring end of Jerusalem Day last year was also unusual in relation to the 12 years of Likud governments;

It is a fact that the climate was unusual enough for Bennett and Shaked to inform the nation that "the government of change is out of the question."

An old notebook on my part, but essential to understanding the propaganda move: the parallel between the two days of Jerusalem is not spotty, but systemic.

It is part of a broad-minded campaign to mark the "Netanyahu days" as a dark and gloomy medieval period, as a period of depression and stagnation from which we have barely escaped.

We stood on the brink of an abyss, as Bennett occasionally says.

The leading idea in this campaign is a description of Israel under Likud rule as a stuck and neglected state.

Everything was stuck, until Horowitz and Michaeli entered their offices;

Everything was neglected until Shasha Bitton and Handel came.

In Bennett's words: "widespread despair and a sense that the country is stuck and in conflict," which urgently needs a "rescue government."

The highlight is of course the social crisis that has been pushed to every status and every tweet and every speech: the Netanyahu era has shattered Israeli society to such an extent that the rift between us is more dangerous than all of Israel's enemies combined.

The national camp once stood here

Bennett and Shaked are of course not original here.

Last weekend, partner and brother Lapid excited the participants of Yesh Atid's annual picnic with the well-known text about a sane government of normal people, adding: "You saved the people of Israel from an alternative." From what exactly? " And this is exactly the story: the Likud bloc and its partners are marked by one great mass of darkness and racism.

It's just that Lapid's psychopolitical move is several times bolder: after he has managed to split the right-wing bloc at the party and electoral level, he is turning to mental disintegration.

The goal is to smash every remnant left of what was once the glorious solidarity of the national camp.

It is no coincidence that his only Twitter reference to "Jerusalem Day" amounted to condemnation of the Lehavah organization and La Familia; An obsession with the phrase "Ben Gvir-Bibi's government."

This marking regime has a psychological effect: we live in a reality in which Yair Lapid dictates to the national camp who are right-wingers and who are right-wingers.

The Smutrichs, the dodgers, the members of the Bibism sect: they are beyond the separation fence, somewhere in the space of impurity.

A sane person will not agree to be seen in their presence, it is also better not to accidentally stumble with one of them to the same floor in the parking lot.

Figures from the state order, such as Yoaz Handel or Matan Kahana, have long since internalized the spirit of the commander, and I suspect that this cultural distinction between "worthy" and "invalid" has never bothered them.

The worrying statistic is that more and more figures on the contemporary right are voluntarily approaching to bend in the face of this mental whipping and are disgraced to the disgrace of their former comrades.  

With all the right-wingers left out.

This week in the Knesset plenum.

Photo: Oren Ben Hakon,

Just to get a hug

The moral response expected from figures like Shaked and Elkin, and to some extent even a storm, is to reject this labeling rhetoric in disgust, because the implied inference from it undermines their political identity, assuming something is left of it.

The message that emerges from the two lines of this conscious attack is that what we once called the right-wing bloc has been shown to be unfit for power.

About a year ago he left Israel neglected and conflicted, and now he is threatening to return to a final blow that will finally wipe out democracy and statehood.

The apparent facts do not change;

Some of us are tired of repeating them, but the feeling is that there is no choice: Israel of 2009 licked the wounds of the Intifada and the disengagement, its knees rattled with guys like Judge Goldstone and Sharia moved when Micronesia voted for it at the UN. To a regional power, with a prosperous economy and construction sites on every corner, oh, and also with peace agreements, you are expected to believe that all of this is of course the disappearing hand, and not Netanyahu and his "violent and undemocratic" gang.

That's why it's so important to linger over Shaked's seemingly casual tweet.

When she bothers to mention missiles on Jerusalem Day last year, when Lieberman and Saar recite "neglect," when Bennett describes a legacy of factions - and when everyone together conducts a mud war against the Bibists and Smutrichs - they actually admit that they themselves were partners at one time or another in failed governments. Must be avoided in every way;

That even when he enjoys an electoral advantage, it is better that the right does not rule without close supervision.

Worst of all is that Lapid's psychological pressure is successful, a bit like cyberbullying threatening Sheaming: even now, when dependence on the PM has become public and when everyone understands that there is also a "flirtation" with the common, coalition right-wingers are more afraid of being caught talking to Bibi. Tibi. It's doable, but it's still sad to see how characters who take pride in Betar's splendor and how soul actors who once promised "not to apologize" want so badly to hear that they are "good right", and more of Noni's talent.

Were we wrong?

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