All the long meetings with the testimonies of Hadas Klein present to the public the nature of the cases and indictments against Benjamin Netanyahu.
The trial takes the form of a distinctly McCarthyist show trial, in which the testimonies, especially of Klein and Nir Hefetz's predecessor, were intended for the purposes of propaganda and blackmail of the former prime minister.
In the book of the average citizen, receiving cigars and bottles of champagne - "Arnon did not drink pink champagne" - does not essentially embody a crime or an offense.
As driver Jonathan Hasson testified, who is also part of Arnon Milchen's auxiliary force, cigars and champagne arrived on holidays and birthdays.
According to his testimony: About four times a year, for six years, on birthdays and prominent holidays, three to 12 bottles of champagne and cigars were sent.
It is hard to believe that police investigators have been investigating anyone involved in this matter.
As usual with Hadas Klein, there was also real and important information: Packer's heavy donations of one million dollars to the Shimon Peres events and the Peres Center for Peace, and another large donation that Milchen stopped after Peres' death.
It's already reminiscent of the Clinton couple's corruption: you want contact with one of the couple, drop a check for the Clinton Foundation.
Usually on the order of at least a million dollars.
The media reported in the headlines not about the donation but that Netanyahu wanted to stop part of the donation.
This indicates the conditioning of the reporters and editors,
If we were to see some $ 1 million from Milchen for Benjamin Netanyahu's personal election campaign, it would be significant.
If a significant arms deal of hundreds of millions of dollars to Milchen's credit had appeared at the end of the cigar, you would have seen meaning in the gifts.
What appears at the moment is a trial based on an indictment filed in the spirit of the period of incitement sisters and the establishments that rebelled against the prime minister at the time.
It does not benefit the justice system, nor does it benefit the unfortunate witness.
What has already been achieved is a destructive campaign against Arnon Milchen himself.
Milchen is an Israeli to whom the state probably owes quite a bit and he is also a respectable personality.
Was his fate doomed because he did not make heavy contributions to the Democratic Party and the Clinton couple, as did the Israeli Hollywood billionaire Haim Saban?
Klein's testimony added another layer to understanding the illegality of Netanyahu's investigations.
The things were revealed in the cases of Nir Hefetz and Shlomo Pilber;
Now we come to the part where we talk about the middle ground.
Should one expect heavenly grace so that the Attorney General will have enough courage to withstand the pressure of the police and the prosecution?
Because that's what happened in all these investigations, designed to achieve a deadly public effect, and not to do justice and justice.
The problem is that if a government is formed that wants to enact a law in the form of "French law" that will protect an elected prime minister from the provocation of the state attorney and the attorney general, the law will not be able to be applied retroactively to Netanyahu's trial.
And rightly so.
The judges already had to find for themselves the technique to stop this thing.
The legal adviser at Rabbi Miara can withdraw from the bribery clauses.
Continuation of friendship
Ron Drummer states that the president is "in complete control".
A hint towards the possibility of the Biden administration collaborating with the right-wing government?
The Biden administration's policy towards the Iranian nuclear program is the bride's, not preventing Iran from reaching a core.
This is a policy of American reconciliation with a nuclear Iran, a situation that will be realized within a few years in accordance with the outline of the nuclear agreement.
This is how former Ambassador Ron Drummer simplifies things in an interview with John Salomon in the United States. Israel, compared to the Americans, wants to prevent the nuclearization of Iran. This is a completely different policy. The first time I hear someone say things in a simple and understandable way. That military action will delay the Iranian nuclear project for enough years, so it is not worth investing in it.
On the other hand, President Biden said: "Iran will not be nuclear in my shift," and was asked by Yonit Levy: "Does this mean that it will act by force if necessary?"
Biden: "As a last resort - yes."
Commentators such as Bruce Riddle, a former CIA man, accuse Biden of his commitment to Israel to mean that the United States has embarked on a major war with Iran.
Somehow Ron Drummer's understanding seems more correct.
He attended Netanyahu's meeting with Biden.
His impression is likely to be more accurate than commentators in the media.
Drummer said another interesting and important thing: Joe Biden in full control.
He talks about it, he knows what he's talking about and what he's doing.
These are simply almost polar policy differences between the Israeli leadership, right and left, and the Biden administration on the Iranian issue.
He reiterated in an interview that Biden was "in control."
This is important because in the United States there are constantly assessments in the media that Biden does not know what is being done around him, he is senile, his mental state is in a gloomy sunset; The ground for the Biden administration's joint work with the right-wing government led by Netanyahu.
Probably the most credible assessment of President Biden's limitations is that he is held captive by his Democratic Party.
He is a man of the party and has not been able to free himself from the grip of the placement of its ruling circles in the present era.
His mistakes in the passing of about a year and a half in power stem from his adherence to the party line dictated by the progressive groups.
So is the failed policy toward Iran.
She returned
Zehava Gal-On joins leaders whose parties are identified with their personalities.
It is the DNA and brand of Meretz,
like Lapid, Netanyahu and Lieberman
The retirement of Tamar Zandberg and Nitzan Horowitz's decision not to run for Meretz leadership left an empty field, where Major General Yair Golan almost certainly became a candidate to take the historic left-wing party, one might say.
Issawi Farage said that Yair Golan is not in Meretz's DNA, and Zehava Gal-On probably thinks like him. This is the reality that pushed Gal-On to return from a four-year exile to the Turkish political bath.
At first these were signals, that she was willing to come back but she wanted to be served back to the party on a tray of money.
That's not exactly what happened, but it's good for Meretz.
People who did not consider the party as an option to vote, again seriously considered going again with Meretz.
You can bet that at the end of the party it will indeed be served to Galon on a tray, one way or another.
There will be pressure on Yair Golan to move and lower his profile.
In the new lexicon, Meretz speaks of a "strategic vote" versus a vote according to the belief along the way.
This strategy is Bnei Gantz or Lapid, with the sole consideration again being the non-Bibi.
But this time, especially in the absence of a union between Labor and Meretz, it makes more sense to vote for the small left-wing party than for Gantz, for example.
Suppose Gantz swings between 10 and 15 at best.
Is it worth giving him another seat or two to give up the natural choice of left-wing voters?
Especially when the feeling of violence is in the air.
Maybe Meretz is not passing.
Strategic logic does not contradict the considerations of electoral purity in these elections.
Moreover, Galon probably feels she can make a difference.
She reiterates that in the situation that has arisen, which is not alarming from the left's point of view, the chances of a militant left-wing party that will fight, according to her, beyond the enemy's lines, increase.
In a very blatant video, she threatens the voters that if Netanyahu returns to power, this could be the last election.
That is, the end of democracy if not the end of culture.
Galon is an opposition figure, unlike Golan who has an internal contradiction: on the one hand something extreme as if someone had taken the lid off the pot on his shoulders, on the other hand a man of broad party partnership in the style of the Bennett-Lapid government.
Zehava Gal-On joins the gallery of party leaders whose parties are identified with their personalities.
It is not just Meretz's DNA, it is Meretz's brand. Like Lapid, Netanyahu, Ganz and Lieberman. Issawi Farage's remarks against Yair Golan also stem from a clear electoral consideration. Meretz estimates that the party receives at least one, if not two, seats from the Arabs. But it depends on the representative composition of the Knesset. Yair Golan detracts from Arab support from Meretz. He is well-liked in kibbutzim.
The people from the valley
It is inconceivable that a "farmer from the Jordan Valley" opposed the application of Israeli sovereignty, and rejects the historic opportunity for the borders of the defenders.
In an operating booklet written by Uri Avnery on behalf of Gush Shalom, he explains that "a crucial role is intended ... for the small and consistent peace movements ... these movements are likened to a small self-propelled gear, which rotates a larger wheel, which in turn activates an even larger wheel. .
As part of the peace plan, "All Israeli settlers will be evacuated from the state of Palestine. The settlements can be handed over to returning refugees."
Anyone who looks back on what the intellectuals of the left and its activists have achieved cannot underestimate Avnery's visions.
Including handing over the settlements to refugees.
The number of settlers in Judea and Samaria is not significant to the question of the final grip on the ground. The plague and the economic crisis that accompanied it, was exploited by radical organizations with the support of politicians and senior security officials, who are completely from the mainstream, such as the current prime minister, or his predecessor Naftali Bennett.
If the intra-Israeli boycott movement succeeds again in its political plans, we will see an accelerated undermining of Israeli sovereignty over the entire northern region.
This week, Prime Minister Lapid announced that he was giving NIS 250 million to Jisr a-Zarqa, a village of about 15,000 residents.
Therefore, when a "farmer from the Jordan Valley," as one of the anti-Likud right-wing campaigners calls himself, opposes the application of Israeli sovereignty in the Jordan Valley, this is inconceivable.
That is, it has other motives.
Netanyahu, when he was prime minister, followed David Ben-Gurion's plan with the application of sovereignty as part of the "Trump plan."
You take what the historic opportunity has given you.
For Netanyahu, this was the fulfillment of the plan for the borders of members of the defense, which people like Dori Gould, Dan Dyker, Yaakov Amidror and others formulated over the years.
The use of the words of Netanyahu and the Jordan Valley in the expression "Netanyahu endangered the existence of the state" betrays the fact that these are propaganda mantras.
It has been about 25 years since such captains and others have used this provocative phrase.
But why the people of the settlement?
Has not yet been deciphered.
Akiva Bigman wrote three years ago in "Israel Today" about the conduct of the far-right in 1988 in light of the formation of the unity government headed by Yitzhak Shamir.
Israel is in front of me "
Ne'eman did not know what a contract was: well, it was not Peres but Yitzhak Rabin.
The right, which was a partner of the left in the war against the Likud regime in 1988 and 1992, has basic shares in the de facto division of the Land of Israel between the PA on the right and Hamas missiles on the left.
Were we wrong?
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