The election of a new IDF Chief of Staff is an opportunity to examine in depth the fundamental issues and significant challenges that are expected to accompany his future tenure.
IDF spokesperson
My acquaintance with Hertz Halevi, Israel's next Chief of Staff, goes back many years. Hertz is a smart, thorough, responsible officer, with leadership qualities and charisma that stood out positively throughout his career and I believe he will do well. But the success of the Chief of Staff and the strengthening of the IDF's power These are not the sole responsibility of the army commander, and they are not just military issues. This is a critical issue for national security. This issue has heavy in-depth issues that require the guidance of the political echelon through legislation and implementation.
Bring back the prestige
The Chief of Staff is expected to face two challenges in building the strength of the IDF and three challenges in exercising the force.
In terms of the IDF's force building, it will have to review the manpower policy. There is a continuous decline in the desire and willingness to recruit for the field units. In addition, there is a lesser willingness of the permanent employees in the technological field to pay the personal price required in the face of the alternatives in the civilian market. Also, there has been a reduction In the scope of the active servicemen in the reserves, and the growing scope of the Israeli population that does not enlist at all.
A serious situation logistically.
Reserve Force, photo: IDF spokesman
"We appreciate the reserve system for its contribution to the country" // Archive photo: IDF spokesman,
In these issues, legislators in the Israeli Knesset have a dramatic role.
Thus, for example, the legislator can promote in legislation the idea of conscription for all Israelis in operational, national or civil service.
Other ways are to restore the dignity and prestige of the permanent service through laws that create stability and certainty for the permanent personnel, or to allow sane service conditions (not just pay) in the IDF's technological system, so that bright Israeli women and men will continue in long permanent service.
update the reserve army
Another challenge in the building of the IDF's force concerns the land arm and especially the reserve system built on the basis of the legacy and trauma of the Yom Kippur War. The required innovation is currently realized only in part of the regular army which is growing consistently and incidentally in line with the growth of Israel's population.
Increased discount on property tax, vacations and priority in housing.
Reserve soldiers at the Israel-Gaza border // (photographs are unrelated to the article), photo: Archion
This is a situation that leads to a constant and permanent crisis of resources and competence.
The traditional concept is of a small regular army for defense building a large reserve army for decisiveness.
This fundamental concept was strengthened after the Yom Kippur War and created a reality in which it is not possible to maintain the full competence of the reserve army and at the same time change and update the regular army.
The increase in the order of forces does not allow the widespread and comprehensive adoption of technological revolutions.
Those implemented recently in the IDF are "boutique capabilities", which will not change anything on the battlefield if they are not extended to the entire army.
Defense Minister Gantz and Major General Herzi Halevi, photo: Elad Malka
Here, too, those who can provide an answer are precisely the legislators in the Knesset and not the Chief of Staff. Thus, for example, it is possible to determine by law the size of the regular army required for the State of Israel. All surpluses will be placed in the national and civil service system described above. What is the order of forces required for its implementation. There is room to reduce the army, but responsibly and only after a decision and budgeting of a more updated and more modern reserve army.
Paralysis prevents initiative
In terms of the challenges of exercising power, the new Chief of Staff will first be required to prepare for an uprising in the Palestinian arena against the background of the expected change of generations in the Palestinian Authority.
In public discourse, it is customary to talk about "the day after Abu Mazen", but from the point of view of the security establishment, it is correct to prepare now, and not wait for reality to dictate our actions.
The territory is bubbling, and the negative effects in the West include the strengthening of Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad against the weak leadership of the Palestinian Authority.
Fighters in action during the "Shomer Galim" arrest operation after the attacks in Binyamin and the Bekaa, photo: IDF spokesperson
Agoz unit activity in Mount Dov (archive), photo: IDF spokesman
In the background of the impeachment of the leadership, a reality of increasing violence and a "perception of resistance" is developing in the street and on social networks.
The combination of an inheritance struggle and a violent and inflamed street may lead to another intifada.
And this at a time when the political instability in Israel turns every step in the Palestinian arena into one that is examined through the political prism.
Strategic paralysis prevents initiative, reduces the activeness and effectiveness of the governing system and should be avoided.
The initiative must be preserved.
The role of the political echelon is to lead a common vision and derive national goals and interests from it.
This framework will allow the Chief of Staff to activate the IDF to implement the policy through military means.
build capabilities
A second challenge in the exercise of force will of course be preventing nuclear weapons from Iran.
This is a supreme interest of national security and the Chief of Staff has the responsibility to realize this. Both in the reality of the agreement and in the reality where there is no nuclear agreement. The agreement that is emerging is an extremely problematic agreement, and it would be better to reach a long and improved agreement.
The nuclear conference in Vienna, photo: AFP
However, it is very doubtful whether the leader of Iran, who refuses to accept the current agreement as his word, will agree to another agreement that in his view will be interpreted as more humiliating.
In the event that an agreement is signed, Iran is expected to respect it, as it has done in the past, which will buy Israel valuable time.
In such a case, the IDF must use the precious time to build a capability that will destroy the elements of the nuclear program, and deter Iran from returning and developing it, without sliding into a regional war.
Do not be ashamed of success
The third challenge is to weaken the Shiite militias in the north.
The strategy known as MBM (Campaign between the Wars) prevents the Iranians from establishing themselves on our northern border, weakens the power of the Iranian militias (including Hezbollah) even before a war, and discourages them from taking an offensive initiative by constantly reminding them of the capabilities of the IDF.
As effective as this strategy has been so far, it requires updating and modification.
IDF force at the northern border // Photo: Eyal Margolin Gini,
IDF forces on the northern border // Photo: Eyal Margolin-Gini // IDF forces on the northern border,
One should not be flattered by the tactical success, one should focus on a critical investigation of the general balance of Israeli national security.
Any successful strategy that is not critically examined dulls the senses of the survivors and is likely to lead to disaster.
There are many examples of armies that did not change strategy after a successful war and found themselves exhausted to the point of an embarrassing retreat.
The USA in Afghanistan, and Israel in Lebanon as two famous examples. The conclusion is that the goal should be preserved, but the method should be re-examined.
Major General (Ret.) Tamir Himan is the director of the Institute for National Security Studies INSS and former head of the National Security Agency
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