There is a constant in Creole politics:
the next two weeks are key
.
Always.
The phrase is permanently applicable, no matter what month, year, or decade it is uttered.
Now it is Sergio Massa who is waiting, on the verge of a swoon, for a little help from his friends at the IMF to see if the ducklings of the economy line up.
But the feeling of living from emergency to emergency is not exactly new because of these payments.
The urgency is perennial.
Perhaps now the dollar will enter a pool for a few days after a fortnight of bullfighting.
However, before mid-May the inflation data for April will come out and the wheel will roll again.
No one anticipates miracles.
The percentage may be
6, 7 or 8
, a kind of bizarre commemoration of that Public Television program in which panelists sat down to insult those who thought differently during the presidency of Cristina Kirchner.
The figure will once again stir the hornet's nest, because the IPC has the virtue -or the defect- of putting in white on black, with a hard number,
the disaster that is incubating in the pocket
when buying anything.
Or not being able to buy anything.
The whole panorama, on top of that, is seasoned with one of those condiments that stain the flavor of the entire dish: the election year.
In the next two Sundays
a third of the provinces will elect a governor
.
Jujuy, La Rioja and Misiones will do it on the 7th.
On the 14th, Tucumán, San Juan, Salta, La Pampa and Tierra del Fuego.
They are not among the territories with the largest population in the country.
No big surprises are expected either.
Even in five of them the current leaders seek to repeat.
Even so, the temperature will rise a few degrees: one way or another it will have an impact on national politics.
It usually happens when
uncertainty predominates
, today greater than usual.
In the ruling party, it is unknown who its candidate for president could be, it is unknown what the main space leader will finally do and, above all, what her proposal could be to govern the next period is unknown.
It only
bets on the fear of what could happen
if, instead of their success, one of the other two sectors with possibilities does so.
Anyone can refute the argument and that's why it sounds so weak: if you have some idea of how to get out of this terminal crisis,
why don't you apply it now that you are already a government?
What's more, why didn't they at least prevent the situation from getting so bad?
In Together for Change, for its part, it is known who will compete in the internal, but the unknown is in the result.
Also obvious: it is not a small thing, because it does not only imply a name but, above all, a program and a style of government.
The current majority opposition must overcome a certain plateau in its image and convince a few, moreover, that they are
capable of not repeating the mistakes made
in the Macri government.
Finally, the libertarian Javier Milei plays to be the one who has it clearest, but that is precisely his weakness:
his proposals are so bizarre
that whoever does not buy the slogan, and reflects a little on them, will doubt a lot if they are feasible, first , and if they are adequate, second.
fear probably
decide the election and in that Kirchnerism is right
with its campaign for that side.
Milei causes panic because
she can break the system
.
Together for Change is scary because they already had an opportunity and they kicked it to the side.
And Kirchnerism, which is risking its own survival, is terrifying because they are the ones who left us here, with such low expectations that we only aspire to get back on the canvas (Massa, in fact, retains his position only for fear of hyperinflation ).
An executive from an important global company linked to the media visited
Clarín
last week, and at one point, he stared at a wall covered with televisions in the newsroom that showed incendiary titles that reflected the unstoppable rise of the blue dollar.
His question was natural, almost instinctive, without ulterior motives, even with the naivety of someone who lives in New York: "How do they manage to live like this?"
The response was also natural.
And resigned: "We are used to it."
look too
Cristina, with Milei out of fear, Massa and a proof of love;
let's change rearranges
Cristina does not come out of her trap, the calendar squeezes her and she was left without a surprise factor
