Last Sunday, Ben-Gvir fantasized about changing the political equation. In a Bennett-style maneuver, the national security minister sought to outflank Prime Minister Netanyahu and the entire coalition from the right, positioning himself as the most hawkish and determined element in the government.
The official excuse, of course, was Israel's "lax response" to the rocket fire from Gaza, which was met with a mid-level bombardment. But behind the scenes were the insult that he was not invited to secret discussions, the unflattering polls, and the difficulty in implementing policies in the areas of responsibility in the government ministry for which he is responsible.
Cabinet meeting (archive}, photo: Olivier Fitoussi/Haaretz
The tactics were aggressive. Boycotting government meetings, shutting down the important Knesset committees entrusted to members of Ben-Gvir's party, shouting interviews and pledges to go all the way, if necessary. The themes of the coalition political disobedience were indeed new, but the texts are old and well remembered from the merry days of Yamina. "It's not right-wing," cried the interviewees.
The response from Netanyahu and the Likud was also aggressive. In contrast to his traditional policy of political containment and attempts to stabilize the coalition with a low signature, the prime minister sent Ben-Gvir to resign and reprimanded him for his childishness and haste.
No one believed that there was indeed a danger of a coalition falling apart. But as in a military battle, in a political battle the opening conditions are known, but the end is shrouded in fog and the campaign has its own conditions. When dawn broke on Tuesday, the equation was completely changed. In Gaza, senior Islamic Jihad operatives were counted dead, and Operation Shield and Arrow was launched. Ben-Gvir was given the option to back down and claim that the crisis was over, the military move had begun.
When the cannons thunder
Throughout the successful activity conducted by the IDF and the security establishment in Gaza, friction in the coalition has been silent. When the guns blare, the political muses are silent. But as the number of sirens in the south and center declined, and the operation seemed to be nearing its end, political calculations resumed. As at the end of all Israeli military operations.
Minister of Finance Smotrich, photo: Oren Ben Hakon
His partners, especially Ben-Gvir, received a clear message. The prime minister has little patience for right-wing hoops. Even in the Likud, they are no longer eager to dance the despicable dance that he considers right to right. The other components of the coalition also did not express much satisfaction with Ben-Gvir's moves. Finance Minister Smotrich made it clear in diplomatic but clear words that there is no room for reckless coalition conduct, and that the solution is through dialogue about the dispute and not through "I'm going" threats from beach vendors.
Haredi Knesset members are preoccupied with their own conflicts with Netanyahu and the ruling party, but these disputes will probably be resolved before the budget is passed. Perhaps this is why no one in Shas or Torah Judaism was in a hurry to back Ben-Gvir.
Aryeh Deri, Photo: Olivier Fitoussi/Flash 90
It seems that the minister of national security is having trouble creating order even in his own party. His faction has grown a right-wing hoop in the form of MK Almog Cohen, who claimed this week that Islamic Jihad has in fact avoided shooting thanks to its presence in the city of Sderot. Ben-Gvir learns the hard way that the right-to-right bashka doesn't stop there, and always hides in a more right-wing bushka.
The entire crisis is a signal from Netanyahu to his coalition ministerial partners and Knesset members that he intends to maintain the coalition himself and place a very serious emphasis personally on ensuring the survival of his government. Thus, Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee Chairman Yuli Edelstein was summoned to a cabinet meeting. A message that is unity in the Likud.
Netanyahu wants to convey a similar message to right-wing voters and to all citizens, according to which he takes the management of reality into his own hands and gets into the thick of it. It's no secret that the Likud and the right-wing bloc have lost seats in recent polls. There is no point in denying the fact that the government has disappointed in many areas of its activity in recent months, and things have been partially managed. Netanyahu allowed his ministers to lead moves in their fields, especially in the legal and economic spheres, while taking part in the moves, but giving credit and room for maneuver.
Now Netanyahu is returning to center stage and taking the lead in the fields of security, foreign policy and economy. The focus is on regional moves and the aspiration to achieve achievements vis-à-vis Saudi Arabia, the jewel in the crown of normalization. Thus, the operation initiated by Israel was also a signal that the security issue rests on his shoulders, and that decisions will be made by him together with Defense Minister Galant.
In front of the camera and behind it, the latter praised Netanyahu's dominance in decision-making during a challenging security period and in the face of the dangers that still lurk in Israel. It was a sign on his part that he accepted Netanyahu's seniority in all areas.
In the economic sphere as well, especially ahead of the budget and in light of the rising cost of living and the burden on many Israeli citizens, Netanyahu wants to take the reins. Already close to his election victory, Netanyahu gave a speech in which he outlined the security and economic goals and the path he intends to outline for the government. The main goals included a possible agreement with Saudi Arabia, restoring quiet to the streets, aggressive activity against Iran and its proxies, and fighting inflation and rising prices.
Six months later
Six months after the speech and the government's birth pangs, the time has come for Netanyahu to personally see to it that his promises are fulfilled and that his goals are achieved.
Carrefour, Photo: Reuters
This was evident in the press conferences regarding the program for free early childhood education and in the personal accompaniment of Carrefour's entry into Israel. This is in addition to talks that have already become open between him and the Americans and Saudis in preparation for a possible future agreement, as well as propaganda and diplomatic activity with elected officials in the United States and Europe in an attempt to restrict Iran's steps.
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