About two months have passed since demonstrations were held in front of the home of former Supreme Court
President Aharon Barak. His supporters and those around him then shuddered to the depths of their souls. Prof. Barak, they explained, is an elderly man in his 90s who is not involved in anything, who is not afraid and has nothing to do with political matters. After all, he left his public post more than a decade and a half ago. In general, it is not the proper address for protest, and should not be seen as responsible for or driving controversial public moves.
And now, this week, Barak has returned to center stage. It turns out that he is in talks with Minister Ron Dermer to examine the possibility of a compromise, advises opposition elements, and talks with President Isaac Herzog. All this goes beyond media interviews, the trickle of messages and the activism that would not shame a person in his youth.
Aharon Barak after Netanyahu's announcement: "Supports reducing the grounds of reasonableness" // Photo: Go Live
And Barak isn't just active and frantic, he's really eager for battle, and not necessarily in the metaphorical sense. A former Supreme Court justice declared that if legislation is passed in the Knesset regarding the reform of the judicial system, it will be grounds for war.
This is not the first time Barak has used harsh and belligerent expressions. When the government's intentions to carry out the legal reform were announced, he threw images such as "poison beads" into the air, declared that he was willing to face a firing squad so that the legislation would be repealed, and in the slightly more distant past he described how tanks would decide the struggle between the branches of government in Israel.
Barak is not alone in having militaristic terminology rolling on his tongue. Even in the opposition, inside and outside the Knesset, military rhetoric is spreading. Benny Gantz, a former chief of staff, did not hesitate to warn of civil war and promised to "shake the country" if the legislation is renewed.
What exactly do Gantz and Barak mean when they already hear the drums of war? More importantly, what exactly is the casus without theirs? These questions are reinforced by the fact that the right is willing to go a long way and offer dramatic concessions to try to resolve the dispute peacefully.
The coalition is looking for a compromise
The government intends to bring a new proposal soon to change the composition of the committee for selecting judges, according to the outline of Minister Dudi Amsalem. According to the proposal, the committee would consist of an equal number of opposition and coalition representatives, both sides would be able to appoint professionals on their behalf to select the judges, provided they were qualified to serve on the Supreme Court. Thus, for example, the opposition will be able to elect President Hayut on the day after her retirement. In fact, if they wish, they can choose Aharon Barak himself as their representative.
This is a fair and balanced proposal that will prevent the conflict of interest of the Supreme Court justices' meeting on the committee, remove the members of the Bar Association and prevent the horse trading in the appointment of judges. The coalition understands that this will hinder equality and diversity of opinion in the Supreme Court, but are willing to live with it on the assumption that in the long run the proper balance will be achieved.
Another proposal by the government concerns the conduct of the court itself. The coalition will seek to legislate that the appointment of court panels will become random and will not be the province of the chief justice. Today, in every case that comes before the Supreme Court, the president has the option to decide who will hear it. The coalition plans to have a computer make the choice from now on, and the Knesset's Constitution Committee will oversee the process. To these proposals should be added the reduction of the reasonableness grounds according to Justice Noam Sohlberg's outline, in such a way that it will not apply to decisions regarding appointments and government policy.
In Barak and Gantz's mind, this may justify the movement of armored columns in order to prevent the disgrace. Every proposal is met with irresponsible declarations of a war of no choice. Gantz - for obviously political reasons, and Barak - because of his desire to prevent the collapse of his life's work and cut off his influence. It's about playing with fire, indiscretion and unfairness. While the coalition is willing to pay electoral and ideological prices, the opposition seeks only to confront.
Efi Nave's promise
The Bar Association elections were decided this week when lawyer Amit Bachar defeated his opponent Efi Naveh. The elections were supposed to bore most of the public, but politics made them a focal point. They may soon become boring again if the composition of the Judicial Appointments Committee is changed.
Efi Naveh. Will he reveal the materials?, Photo: Jonathan Shaul
However, one thing remains unsolved. This is Efi Naveh's statement that he has recordings and materials that will shake the country if exposed. The former bureau chairman, who was at the center of problematic affairs and in contact with the heads of the law enforcement system, is not a private person. As a public figure, he is required to reveal what he knows.
Citizens deserve this information. If these are false statements, the lawyers did well to take the matter into consideration and not reappoint Effi Naveh to the high position.
Wrong? We'll fix it! If you find a mistake in the article, please share with us