These are the glory days of the "crazy" and the "conspirators." The people who have since become aware of Netanyahu's investigations have insisted that this is not a legal-criminal matter but a political one. I, too, in my misdeeds, belong to this audience. I argued that behind the files of the thousands hides government motivation, not reaching the truth or trying to eradicate corruption from among us.
This position earned me poison arrows and conversations between journalists and stakeholders with the media in which I operated. People have expressed wonder how fertile ground can be provided for the dissemination of my "theories," and how dare I question the cleanliness and purity of intentions of the angels of the rule of law. And now, this week it turned out that the doubt was justified.
The first news came from Jerusalem. The district judges convened representatives of the prosecution and defense there, and recommended that the prosecution withdraw the bribery clause from the indictment. The statement by attorneys Jacques Chen and Boaz Ben Tzur, attorneys for the defendants in Case 4000, also clarifies how clear the justices were in their recommendation regarding the removal of the hopeless bribery clause from the agenda.
A few days later, former Police Commissioner Roni Alsheikh revealed, as if in passing, the mindset and working assumption during Netanyahu's investigations. It turns out that the incumbent prime minister should have understood the message of the gatekeepers, vacated his office and left public life. Alsheikh's remarks are, of course, an earthquake, but not a legal one. Recent developments must be viewed through a political lens.
Former police commissioner Alsheikh. "No one guessed", photo: Gideon Markowitz
Playing aboard the Titanic
The first stop in Netanyahu's attempt to impeach him by legal means was the 2015 elections. At the same time, the electoral attempt to defeat the Likud leader failed at the ballot box, although at times it seemed that he was about to lose. The voter then gave a ringing slap in the face to those who saw themselves as the "enlightened public." Therefore, there was an urge to act to cancel this decision. Sources of inspiration abounded, as unwanted politicians in undesirable positions had been eliminated here wholesale in the past.
This was the case, for example, with Israel's heroes Rafael Eitan and Avigdor Kahalani, who were expelled from the Public Security Ministry in a "stitch and investigate until the minister cannot return." Yaakov Ne'eman and Ruby Rivlin also received a flood of investigations, which ended with nothing because there was nothing, but lost their jobs. Hence, it was clear to the heads of the system: incrimination, or even investigation without incrimination, would lead to the desired result. But as Alsheikh said this week: "No one guessed that Netanyahu would remain in office."
Netanyahu. Won despite prediction, Photo: AP
The move was simple. It began with fragments of rumors and half-truths placed on Mandelblit's desk, which was caught by State Prosecutor Shai Nitzan. At the same time, the enthusiastic media was unwilling to accept anything but revocation of Netanyahu's title of prime minister. But something went wrong: Netanyahu, with all his stubbornness, refused to dance the incriminating machine dance, and decided to stay and fight.
Testimony of Nir Heifetz // Archive photo: Yoni Rikner
Wave after wave, attempts were made to influence the citizens of Israel or the Likud movement to elect another leader. In the 2019 first round elections, the indictment was put on the table and it was decided that the prime minister would be prosecuted pending a hearing. A seemingly perfect knockout, but Netanyahu stood up and managed to survive. Had it not been for Lieberman's strange decision to switch sides and not enter the government, and the colossal failure of Bennett and Shaked to pass the electoral threshold, he would have headed a stable government on a continuous basis.
Avichai Mandelblit. Report of suspicions in the middle of elections, photo: Gideon Markowitz
Instead, the country was swept up in repeated rounds of elections. The card that served the Saladin party in boycotting all ties with the right-wing leader was shouting "bribery, fraud and breach of trust." The showcase was Lapid and Gantz, but behind the scenes associates of then-Attorney General Mandelblit closely followed the course of events. Everyone who drank from the same masting. Menachem Finkelstein, who preceded Mandelblit in his position as Military Advocate General, Sharon Afek, who served in the position several years after him, and Gil Limon, who was appointed Senior Advisor to the Attorney General. The rules of reasonableness and conflict of interest do not apply to such exalted figures.
The judicial system suffered blow after blow, but they did not give up. The indictment was filed in a careless, amateurish and hasty manner, just as Netanyahu was in Washington to discuss the deal of the century. To Saladin's credit, its members stood on their side in the deal. It was the hard-nosed Israeli public and the boycott bloc that found it difficult to deliver the goods. Except for the brief respite of the government of change.
It was an almost perfect political plan, one that seemingly could not fail. Just as the Titanic could not have sunk. But Mandelblit, Nitzan and Elsheikh continued to play on the interrogation deck until the iceberg of reality hit. Because against all odds, the politicians of the law enforcement system were forced to appear in court and provide evidence.
To live in a world where the facts speak, not the shofars. And so, piece by piece, the magnitude of the lie, the amateurism and the conception were revealed. And if all these were not enough, there was also a backlash. The criminal nakedness of the spyware implanters and elderly investigators was discovered. Now they are stuck with a complicated case with no chance of conviction on at least the bribery charge, and with a commission of inquiry to investigate Pegasus hanging over their heads.
Battle of the Rearguard
It wasn't supposed to be this way. The crazy are supposed to be crazy, the angels are supposed to remain angels. But Israeli politics, the law enforcement system learns, is full of surprises. It is also still based on the decision of the voters. The Supreme Court building, as well as that of the Justice Ministry, looked terrified and frightened this week. Alsheikh's words made it clear to them that if he fell, everyone would immediately fall after him.
Their last hope – the rearguard battle – now rests on the burning of the barns. The refusal, the call for civil disobedience and the warnings of Rebbe Aharon Barak and senior officers of a "civil war." This is the price of sewing, which all citizens of the country pay. The price of connections between police officers, politicians, jurists and consultants. The price of interference in the governing orders of democracy. Anyone who has not understood this until now surely understands it now in light of recent developments. If not, he might ask himself if it is he who is on the side of the conspirators.
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