For two days, the IDF's large-scale operation in Jenin made headlines in the international media. The BBC, which has clung more consistently than any other media outlet to the war in Ukraine and its various aspects, has taken some time-out. Instead of reporting and analyzing world-class things like Prigozhin's race to Moscow or bombing Ukrainian cities and facilities with dozens killed and some small risk of nuclear disaster, the BBC reports anxiously on a brigade operation in a remote Middle Eastern city to destroy terrorist infrastructure.
In terms of international legitimacy, the method that Israel has adopted since the current government took office is proving itself. If there is a method here, it is a series of ups and downs in the offensive level of the IDF and the security forces. The trend is clear - an offensive initiative. The difference between this week's operation, Operation Home and Garden, and previous operations in Jenin and Nablus is in the scope of the participating forces and the impressive scope of uprooting terrorist infrastructure. Huge amount of cargo, production labs, etc. It seems that the main effort was in the direction of arresting wanted persons and terrorist operatives.
Since several ephemeral rockets have recently been fired from the Jenin area, it is reasonable to assume that one of the objectives was to get a hand on those working to develop the rocket issue and destroy rocket manufacturing capabilities. In terms of rocket development, the Jenin area could be reminiscent of Gaza in 2001-2000. Then several rockets, later called Qassam rockets, were fired at a distance of several hundred meters. In Jenin, it's dozens of meters. In 2007, after the disengagement, Hamas terrorists had already scored a strategic achievement when they rattled Sderot with rockets, without the IDF being able to paralyze the rocket fire. The Jenin case shows that every large area abandoned by the Jews becomes a base of terror. The new phrase that has entered the lexicon is "city of refuge" for terrorists.
The withdrawal of the forces from Jenin after two days of continuous activity fits the pace at which the headlines on news websites change. Since counter-terrorism forces continue to be stationed in the area, they will be able to infiltrate and thwart terrorists in the future. Continuity - this is the slogan that has been heard since the beginning of "Home and Garden". In this context, we must dispel a myth that has taken root for years about Operation Defensive Shield, which began in late March-early April 2002. The operation in its intensive phase lasted about a month and a half, and the battle in Jenin - close to two weeks. The elimination of terrorism was, ultimately, the result of ongoing activity that followed Defensive Shield. The operation, as they say today, created the freedom of action of the security forces, which led to the eradication of the second intifada a year and a half later.
It can be assumed that the number of fatalities among the terrorists was almost measured. The Battle of Jenin in 2002 was extremely difficult, and in the end 53 terrorists were eliminated and our forces suffered 23 casualties. In other words, eight years after the establishment of the Palestinian Authority under Arafat's leadership, Jenin became a monstrous terror base. Today's Jenin is probably less established as a "city of refuge" for terror, and it can be assumed that if there had been a decision to physically eliminate terrorists, the number of casualties among terrorists could have doubled. The eternal question is whether the residents, when they see up close the IDF doing in the city and its refugee camp as its own and turning the asphalt roads and blowing up laboratories and stockpiles of weapons and explosives, will change their attitude towards terrorism. This is not realistic. What is likely to happen is that there will be more cooperation on the part of elements inside Jenin, which will enable early thwarting of attacks, and the terrorists will be persecuted.
Here Ben-Gvir was right
Both at the Ali gas station and on Pinchas Rosen Street in Tel Aviv, they were civilians carrying weapons, who knew how to respond and respond on the spot, and neutralize the terrorists
In recent weeks, the problem of queues for passports at the Ministry of the Interior has been eliminated. So much so that Population Authority Director General Eyal Siso allowed himself to be interviewed extensively on Army Radio. Why is it so important? Not only because this is a problem that has made life miserable for many Israelis over the past two years, but because when Aryeh Deri was appointed interior minister, he made eliminating the traffic jam on the way to the passport a high priority. Sisu's predecessor, Tomer Moskowitz, did not deny that he had failed on this issue, and he had an explanation - the officials dealt with 70,<> immigrants.
But what is important is that the team of Aryeh Deri, the unreasonable minister, mobilized to solve the problem of queues and succeeded. It took about six months. It is true that the Minister of the Interior now is Moshe Arbel, and the achievement is also registered in his name. But the achievement of the Population Authority under Sisu's management puts the Supreme Court's pretentious ruling, which torpedoed Deri's appointment as interior minister, in a slightly different light. Those who did not exercise discretion but merely hung on the end of a clause to oust a person rejected by certain elites are the ones who proved unreasonable.
Minister Ben-Gvir at the scene of the attack in Tel Aviv, Photo: GettyImages
Like the issue of the traffic jam in lines, so is the anti-terrorism policy. As for the incessant activism in the offensive field, it is impossible not to remember this week the attack on Minister Ben-Gvir six months ago. This, too, is at the beginning of the government's path. Following the deadly attack in Neve Yaakov, Ben-Gvir announced that he would work to ensure that there would be more civilians carrying weapons. In this case, too, the intention is to remove barriers and traffic jams, without giving up the security and psychological checks. The automatic response, even from retired senior security officials, was one of opposition to the trend that Ben-Gvir decided to lead. The intention was to add thousands more gun carriers on the country's streets. The recent attacks proved that Ben-Gvir was right, and that his critics, even among the women's lobbies, are wrong. Both at my husband's gas station and at the mall on Pinchas Rosen Street, they were civilians carrying weapons, who knew how to respond and respond on the spot to terrorists.
Two additional strategic goals that the government will examine in the coming years are reinforcing Zionist policy in populating the Galilee and fighting crime in the Arab sector, while collecting weapons stockpiles. While shortening queues is a specific goal that everyone understands, populating the Galilee is a complex issue and requires revolutionary changes in the post-Zionist policy that has permeated important establishments in the country. The decline of the Jewish population in the Galilee leads to a loss of grip on the territory. But the directors general of the relevant government ministries are only now beginning to understand the problem and the need for coordination and integration between several branches of the state. This requires a Mapainik approach of decisive action without the chatter that characterizes the right.
No value for inclusion
The more the government shows moderation and willingness to reach agreements on fundamental issues, the more it receives radicalization of activity and declarations that unravel the civil fabric of the country
At some point, the wheel turned. For two months that seemed like an eternity, the public tended to blame the government for the horror film called "Commotion and Fury." Prime Minister Netanyahu then announced that he was halting the legislative process of the reform, hoping to enter negotiations with opposition representatives under the auspices of the president's residence. It seems that a different reality already exists this week. The public is no longer begging the government to stop reform in order to return to normalcy. The burden of responsibility has clearly shifted to the side of the "protest," whose members have been perceived for some time as rioters.
Eldad Yaniv said on television this week, against the backdrop of the storming of Terminal 3 at Ben Gurion Airport, that they themselves no longer understand what they are doing and what it is good for. He said it with a puzzling smirk. For a broad understanding has been created that by appearing as rioters the protesters only harm themselves and their cause.
Shmuel Buchris
That is why opposition politicians, as well as various media figures, tried to divert the fire of the dispute to the Constitution Committee, which continued under MK Simcha Rotman's leadership the legislative process of reducing the grounds of reasonableness. How dare the Knesset continue to debate routine parliamentary proceedings while our fighters risk their lives in Jenin? Even Danny Danon, the dreidel that turns upside down, argued that the discussion should be postponed. It has already been postponed in the past following the terrible attack on my husband.
There was no logic in stopping the discussion in the Constitutional Committee. It is also contrary to the ethos of democracy and parliamentary activity that does not strike for a moment.
The act of "check" at Ben Gurion Airport has two aspects. One, a terrible police failure. How is it that these groups were able to disrupt such an important strategic junction for the State of Israel, and that includes blocking Haifa Port? How is it that the police and security at the airport are unable to protect the citizens? This was not a "protest," it was an attack on the public while causing damage to Israel in the eyes of tourists entering it.
The second aspect is what it does to the government. As far as the government is concerned, since the alleged failure to vote on Knesset representatives on the Judicial Appointments Committee, and especially after the incident at Ben Gurion Airport against the backdrop of the Jenin operation, it has actually claimed the batteries of legitimacy for passing parts of the reform. For three months, the government presented an approach of inclusion, moderation and willingness to reach agreements on fundamental issues. What it has received is an extremism in activity and declarations that are unraveling the civil fabric in the country. The fiasco in Netanyahu's trial only added a tailwind. So there are growing voices arguing that in light of the irresponsible actions of opponents of the reform in the streets, the coalition has full justification for passing the main parts of the reform as quickly as possible. Netanyahu himself will appear as a vehicle sitting atop the carriage and trying with all his might to restrain the galloping horses.
You should also think about the day after. The main story is what will happen with the resistance movement to reform. Assuming that certain parts of the original reform pass nevertheless and despite everything, what will the people of Barak, Dan Halutz, Shikma Bressler & Co. understand from this? What will be considered success for them, what will be considered failure.
There is a reasonable chance that the broad movement of the upper middle class will gradually fade out of a sense of sourness and relative failure. The current right-wing government is more activist than is attributed to it. She's stronger than she looks. She will survive.
Historical experience shows that popular movements, relatively radical, produce after the relative dissipation a hard and extreme core of disappointed people. More than disappointed - desperate and ready for sacrifice. It happened in Russia, Germany, the United States, and also in Israel. The Narodnaya Volya in the 80s in Russia, the descent to the people, gave rise to terror. Terrorism with a very clear ideological and psychological background. A movement of "good doers" becomes murderous. In Germany, the failure of the student uprising in the late 19s gave rise to the Baader-Meinhof gang. Out of the American student revolt were born the Wetherman and the Black Panthers.
We have at least one example that cannot be ignored. The near-messianic popular movement to stop the withdrawal in Sinai got stuck in Holot. Out of this failure grew the Jewish underground. In the movement against the reform government, many demons were released. Among them is a kind of extreme intoxication and brinkmanship in the field of violence and threats to civilian bodies.
Tie your hands
The American public is listening to Netanyahu, and the IDF's performance is embarrassing to the administration. Biden ostensibly seeks an agreement with Iran, but mainly to neutralize Netanyahu
Rob Malley, who was in charge of negotiating a new nuclear deal with Iran, was neutralized and replaced by someone else. At the same time, continuous reports of an agreement, or "agreement," between the United States and Iran to halt uranium enrichment beyond 60 percent in exchange for sanctions relief stopped.
It doesn't change the great cause of the Americans. After Biden announced the "death" of the nuclear agreement nine months ago, talks with Tehran suddenly "resumed in an attempt to reach a 'de-escalation.' This phrase hides more than it reveals," Dr. Michael Doran wrote in a landmark document published by the Hudson Institute and Tablet magazine, "While Biden and his team claim to be working on halting Iran's progress toward nuclear weapons, their unstated goal is to tie Israel's hands — for good." This has been the idea of the Democrats since the Obama administration. Duran argues that within the limits Biden wants to impose on Israel, neutralizing Prime Minister Netanyahu is a high priority. Netanyahu is considered to have a unique ability to speak to the American public, and the American public listens to him; Moreover, the IDF's military performance increases the strength of its messages and causes embarrassment to the administration, which is perceived as incomprehensible in its Iranian policy.
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