In recent weeks, something in Netanyahu's patience with his indispensable partner, Otzma Yehudit Chairman Itamar Ben-Gvir, seems to be wearing off. The prime minister responds directly to the announcements by the minister of national security about various initiatives, takes issues off the table and rushes to calm the situation whenever a new provocation is on the way – from the call to run to the hills to the prayer event in Dizengoff. Outwardly, Netanyahu limits Ben-Gvir's ability to influence his government's agenda. Inwardly – it deals with its ongoing maintenance.
Sources close to Netanyahu admitted that a broad mechanism has been created to deal with the maintenance of partner Ben-Gvir in the coalition. Reassuring messages are sent behind the scenes whenever the clash between the two makes headlines, and Netanyahu's people try to minimize the damage as much as they can.
Netanyahu in forming the coalition to Ben-Gvir: "Go explain what's wrong tonight" // Use in accordance with section 27A of the Copyright Law
Outwardly, Netanyahu made do with one statement on the subject. Far from the ears of journalists, talks were held pleading and explanations asking Ben-Gvir to cancel the provocative event. The working assumption in the Prime Minister's Office is that there is no alternative coalition to the current one, and despite the serious disagreements between the Likud and Netanyahu and Otzma Yehudit (the recent Ben Uliel storm, for example), the goal is to preserve the existing structure.
So how does Netanyahu compartmentalize the minister's influence in the security arena? Netanyahu moved the cabinet discussions to smaller ongoing discussions with the participation of his confidant Dermer, the defense minister and the military echelon. It is there that decisions are made, where the intelligence information is presented in full, where the confidential discussions are held.
Bibi's kitchenette has almost completely emptied the political-security cabinet where regular security discussions are supposed to take place and decisions are supposed to be made. Only when an operation is on the agenda does the cabinet convene for formal approval, almost devoid of discussions. The person brave enough to put this in writing was Minister Bezalel Smotrich, whose letter to the head of the National Security Council and the prime minister leaked to the press last month.
The Political Security Cabinet (Archive), photo: Amos Ben-Gershom / GPO
Yesterday's discussion in Netanyahu's office was one of those ongoing security discussions. Ben-Gvir's absence from him is routine. Ben-Gvir is invited only to discussions dealing with Israel's internal security.
But the headlines surrounding his absence led yesterday to a public apology from Netanyahu's office: "Any attempt to create a conflict between the prime minister and the minister of national security is false and was done deliberately."
Netanyahu has no interest in an ongoing confrontation with Ben-Gvir as long as there is no alternative plan for the incumbent government. One of the scenarios heard in the Chamber from time to time deals with MK Almog Cohen and the possibility that, together with another MK from Otzma Yehudit, the two will remain in the coalition if Ben-Gvir himself resigns.
MK Almog Cohen. Will he go with Netanyahu?, Photo: Oren Ben Hakon
There are also courtships on the Gantz front, and even attempts at mutual rapprochement with the one who is becoming a distinct wing of the state camp – New Hope. Saar has exactly the four seats missing should such a scenario materialize. But the prevailing assumption among senior coalition officials is that at the moment no one in the opposition has any intention of saving the coalition from itself, not before the end of the saga of the draft law and the Judicial Selection Committee Law.
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