Louis de Bourbon does not like to be interviewed, but this does not prevent him from expressing his opinion on social networks, especially on his Facebook account. At the end of August, Louis published a particularly long post, marking the death of the man whose name he bears - "my idol", as he calls it - King Louis IX of France. In this festive post, Louis addressed France's political situation today, including Paris' decline on the African continent.
"Since the 70s, France has gradually seen its sovereignty deteriorate. Its diplomatic role is diminishing. Its industries are sacrificed on the altar of the globalization game. Its education system has been severely damaged. Its public services are collapsing and even disappearing in some of our territories. The decline of sovereignty – that vital element that stood at the heart of the actions of the kings of France, from the first of them to Charles X – meant that the voice of our country was heard less and less among the peoples," warns Louis de Bourbon.
Louis de Bourbon and his family, photo: courtesy of the Prince's Office
Political struggles in France have always been turbulent. The communists and anarchists on one side of the map, the extreme right on the other. But there is also a third, more discreet party. That of the royalists. The monarchy officially ended in France in 1870 with the overthrow of Napoleon III, the last monarch, yet royalists are still here. Although they have not yet managed to penetrate the French parliament, and their activists are counted in the thousands, the monarchists do not despair.
Vice versa. The yellow vest movement, the big garbage collection strike, the suburban riots last June, President Macron's plummeting popularity, the growing hatred of immigrants, and even the coronavirus pandemic all reflect the disintegration of French society and its governing institutions. The general sense of disgust draws the French back to better, brighter days. The monarchy, they say, could reunite the French and give them hope.
And speaking of royalty, we are talking of course of an heir. Or rather about three potential heirs. One of them, we have already mentioned, is Louis de Bourbon, 49, Duke of Anjou. The other is Jean d'Orléans, 58, Count of Paris. Then there's Jean-Christophe Bonaparte (37). Outwardly, the three potential heirs observe the rules of the gentlemen's game, but behind the scenes, their courtiers take off their gloves. The Bourbonists and Orléans argue among themselves about who is really the heir to the Capetian royal family, while the Bonapartists remind them that the last French monarch was not a king, but one named Napoleon. The battle for the title of "heir" may be virtual at the moment, but the debate between these three courts is hot, as if the throne in the Palace of Versailles is already ready and waiting.
Our man in Spain
Louis de Bourbon – Louis XXII to his followers – is a discreet man. He does not wear a crown and does not have a scepter. Not even at official appearances. In everyday life, he wears a fine suit, matching tie and polished shoes. The perfect image of a successful international banker. One who spends much of his time on airplanes, wanders between Madrid, Paris, London, Miami, New York and Caracas, the capital of Venezuela, where his offices are located. He lives with his wife and four children on an estate outside the Spanish capital, but his heart, he says, is mostly in neighboring France, "with his people."
The few interviews he gives are devoted to the French media. But in an unusual move, Louis de Bourbon agreed to answer our questions, through his personal secretariat.
"The prince has lived mainly in Madrid for several years, but we can say that he is certainly very concerned about what is happening in France," he said. "First of all, as a French citizen, of course. He is deeply interested in everything related to his country. But he is also attentive and concerned in his role as direct heir to the kings of France. His legacy obliges him. That's why he follows very closely, whether it's on visits to France or through social networks and the online press, the French policy, the economy, the big debates that flood the news."
Photographic summary: A week of riots and violence in France // Archive photo: Reuters
The Prince de Bourbon, or Louis Alfonso Gonzalo and Victor Manuel Marco de Bourbon, is the scion of a series of well-known families in Europe. The French have long since slit the throats of their kings, but the titles of nobility in France are still passed down from generation to generation, as is historical memory. Through his father, Louis de Bourbon, he is a direct descendant of Kings Louis IX, Henry IV and Louis XIV. He is also the great-grandson of King Alfonso XIII of Spain and a relative of other noble families in France, Spain and England. On his mother's side, Louis is the great-grandson of General Franco, who ruled Spain with an iron fist from 14 to 13, a legacy he nurtures. Or rather, it deals quite a bit with efforts to clear the name of the Spanish dictator.
Louis may have grown into wealth and aristocracy, but his childhood was not easy. When he was 9 years old, his parents divorced, and custody of him and his older brother was granted to his father. A year later, the father and his two sons got into a terrible accident on their way back from a skiing holiday. 12-year-old Francois succumbed to his injuries two days after the accident. Louis himself had to undergo a long and exhausting rehabilitation. With the death of his brother, young Louis became the legitimate heir to the throne.
As befits a member of a royal family, Louis de Bourbon is married to Maria-Margarita Vargas Santala, the daughter of one of Venezuela's richest men. They have four children. Each bears its own noble title. As befits a modern prince, a man of the world, the prince's eldest daughter, Eugenie, was born in Miami, twins Louis and Alfonso were born in New York, as was their youngest son Henri.
Louis' painful childhood still leaves its mark on him today. Family for him is above all. Louis de Bourbon's secretariat tells us that over the years, the prince has maintained a healthy balance between his family life, his work, and his obligations as heir to the French throne. "The prince strictly reserves time for his children, whom he accompanies daily with his wife. They do not give up on family entertainment and close monitoring of their children's education. To this end, the prince and his team determine in advance, months and even years, the activities to which he is committed in his status as heir. It allows him to organize his schedules to keep his time with his family."
Louis de Bourbon's list of royal duties is reminiscent of the daily life of King Charles in Britain or Philip of Spain. He frequently participates in events commemorating the work of French kings, events promoting French culture, and philanthropic activities. France does not officially recognize the title "heir to the king", but for that matter, when it comes to various historical events, recognizes him as a direct descendant of Louis IX.
הקומבינציה של בנקאי־יורש הפכה את לואי דה־ בורבון למומחה בגיוס כספים לתמיכה בעמותות מורשת שונות, וישנן כמובן גם התמונות ההכרחיות של הנסיך מעניק פרס ראשון בתחרות פינג־פונג לנוער בעיירה קמפיינה בצפון צרפת, או להבדיל, חמוש בעניבת פרפר בערב גאלה נוצץ בניו יורק. וכדי שאף אחד לא יפספס, מקפיד לואי דה־בורבון לפרסם את האירועים שבהם הוא משתתף גם בחשבון הפייסבוק הפתוח שלו וגם בשני חשבונות האינסטגרם - אחד בצרפתית ואחד בספרדית. נסיך דור 2.0 כבר אמרנו?
הנסיך השמרני מפריז
המלוכנים הצרפתים שומרים אמנם על נימוסים והליכות, ומקפידים שלא "ללכלך" בפומבי, אבל המבוגרים יותר ביניהם טוענים בחום שהיורש החוקי אינו לואי דה־בורבון, אלא ז'אן ד'אורליאן, נצר ללואי השמיני. תומכיו של ז'אן ד'אורליאן אינם מכחישים שלואי דה־בורבון הוא אכן נצר ישיר למלך הצרפתי האחרון. מנגד, הם טוענים כי מלך ספרד פליפה החמישי ויתר על זכות המלוכה הצרפתית ועל זכות הירושה לצאצאיו באמנה שנאלץ לכרות ב־1713 עם יריביו.
ד'אורלאן ומשפחתו, צילום: רויטרס
משום כך, לדעתם, יורשיו של לואי השמיני, ולא יורשי לואי התשיעי, הם היורשים הלגיטימיים. הוויכוח המר הזה בין היורשים הפוטנציאליים מתרחש בעיקר במאמרים היסטורים מלומדים, ובראיונות של "מקורבים". השלושה בדרך כלל נמנעים מלהגיע לאותם האירועים, כדי שלא להיתפס ביחד באותה התמונה, ולא להציף את הויכוח.
ז'ראר פול בן ה־77 הוא פעיל ותיק בתנועת המלוכנים, ותומך נלהב של ז'אן ד'אורליאן. הבלוג שלו הפך לאורך השנים לבמה מרכזית עבור הוגי דעות התומכים בהחזרת המלוכה לצרפת. בשיחה בינינו הוא חוזר ומצביע על הקשר העמוק של משפחת אורליאן לדורותיה עם צרפת ועם האומה הצרפתית, ומזכיר לי כי רוזן פריז - ז'אן הרביעי - הוא היחיד משלושת היורשים הפוטנציאליים אשר נולד בצרפת, למד בצרפת, שירת בצבא הצרפתי ובנה את חייו בצרפת.
"חוק הגלות שנחקק בסיומו של עידן המלוכה, אסר על יורשים פוטנציאליים להתגורר בצרפת, מה שהביא את משפחת אורליאן לנדוד במשך שנים בין אנגליה, בלגיה ומרוקו. ובכל זאת, אביו של ז'אן, אנרי, הצליח לחזור למולדתו לפני פקיעת החוק ב־1950. גם כיום, המשפחה שומרת על קשרים הדוקים עם בית המשפחה המרוקני", מספר לי ז'ראר פול.
ההתעקשות של אנרי ד'אורליאן לחזור לצרפת שיקפה את השאיפה שלו ליטול חלק בעיצובה של צרפת של אחרי המלחמה. הוא בנה מערכת יחסים קרובה עם הגנרל ונשיא צרפת שארל דה גול, והיסטוריונים אף טוענים כי השניים דנו באפשרות שאנרי ירוץ בבחירות לנשיאות אחרי פרישתו של הגנרל. בשיחה איתי, ז'ראר פול חי את ההתרחשויות הללו כאילו קרו אך אתמול. הוא טוען באוזני במרירות כי דה גול חזר בו מהבטחתו לתמוך באנרי ד'אורליאן, מה שגזר על היוזמה הזאת סוף ללא תוחלת. "דה גול בהחלט לא שלל את החזרת המלוכה, וגם הביע עניין במועמדותו של הנסיך בבחירות לנשיאות. הייתה ביניהם הערכה הדדית. אבל בסופו של דבר, דה גול החליט לרוץ שוב, ונטש את התמיכה באנרי".
הבן, ז'אן ד'אורליאן, או בשמו המלא - ז'אן קארל פייר מארי ד'אורליאן - הוא כבר טיפוס שונה. הוא אינו מעורב בפוליטיקה הצרפתית, לפחות לא באופן ציבורי, מתרחק מהרשתות החברתיות ואינו מקדם באופן פעיל את החזרת המלוכה. "נסיך רציני, כמו שהיו עושים אותם פעם", כך תיאר אותו באוזני דיפלומט צרפתי בכיר. ובכל זאת, למרות חזותו השקטה, ז'אן ד'אורליאן בהחלט לא מפנה עורף למעמדו כיורש פוטנציאלי. לאורך השנים הוא הצהיר כמה וכמה פעמים כי הוא "עומד לרשותו של העם, ככל שיידרש". במקביל, הוא פעיל בשלל עמותות לקידום המורשת הצרפתית ולקידום מורשתה של משפחתו, ומטייל לשם כך לא מעט בעולם, הוא גם מקדיש לא מעט מזמנו לקמפיינים לשמירה על היערות הצרפתיים. "חקלאי־ג'נטלמן" בסגנון הבריטי.
החיבה של ז'אן ד'אורליאן ליערות ולמורשת של המשפחה שלו עלתה לו לפני כמה שנים בסקנדל. במשך שנים, התגורר הרוזן של פריז בטירת דרו, ממערב לפריז. אתר האינטרנט של הרוזן הכריז על הטירה והיער שסובב אותה כמקום מגוריו הרשמי של היורש. אך אבוי, לפני כעשור החליטו בקרן סנט לואי, המשמשת אפוטרופסית של נכסי משפחת אורליאן, לדחוק את הרוזן החוצה, בטענה כי הטירה פשוט אינה שלו.
העימותים המשפטיים בין הרוזן לנשיא הקרן נמשכו שנים. זה התחיל בניסיון לגרש את אמו של הרוזן מהאחוזה שבה התגוררה, ונגמר בטונים צורמים עוד יותר. הרוזן וחמשת ילדיו נאלצו לארוז את חפציהם ולעבור לגור במונטריאל שבדרום־מערב צרפת, לא רחוק מחופי הים התיכון. "לא מדובר בגלות וגם לא בבריחה. אני מעביר את משפחתי למקום בטוח יותר, עד שנוכל להבהיר את המצב", טען אז בחום ז'אן ד'אורליאן. חסידיו נשבעים כי נשיא קרן סנט לואי רודף את הרוזן מקנאה.
"ז'אן ד'אורליאן גדל אל תוך המחויבות המשפחתית כלפי צרפת. צרפת היא המהות שלו והגורל שלו. כאן הוא חי. כאן הוא מגדל את ילדיו. לואי דה־בורבון, לעומתו, מתגורר במדריד. הוא רק קופץ לצרפת מדי פעם. מה שחשוב לו, זה להגן על המורשת של סבא־רבא הגנרל פרנקו. הוא לא באמת רוצה לגור כאן. גם ז'אן כריסטוף בונפרט הוא לא באמת יורש פוטנציאלי. נפוליאון זה הרי לא משפחת מלוכה. אני לא חושב שיש לו באמת שאיפות כאלה. הוא מגלם את הזיכרון של נפוליאון. בזה הוא בעצם מתעסק", עוקץ ז'ראר פול בעדינות.
נפוליאון ובניו
אכן, כשמדברים על יורשים פוטנציאליים, ז'אן־כריסטוף נפוליאון בונפרט הוא כנראה זה שהכי פחות מכוון מטרה. אבל גם כאן, הכל יחסי. "נסיך נפוליאון" מצא את עצמו בתפקיד היורש הפוטנציאלי כבר בגיל 11! סבו החליט "לקפוץ דור" בהעברת התואר הנכסף. הוא חשד שעמדותיו הרפובליקניות־דמוקרטיות־סוציאליסטיות של בנו - אביו של ז'אן־כריסטוף - לא ממש תואמות את הייעוד הקיסרי. גם ההחלטה של הבן להתגרש, רחמנא לצלן, ללא אישורו של הסב, תרמה כנראה לצעד יוצא הדופן של העברת התואר ישירות לילד הצעיר.
ז'אן־כריסטוף ביום חתונתו, צילום: GettyImages
ההחלטה של הסב הוכיחה את עצמה פוליטית. ז'אן־כריסטוף תמך בניקולא סרקוזי בבחירות של 2007, וגם סיפר לתקשורת כי הוא קרוב בדעותיו לתוכניתו הכלכלית (הקפיטליסטית) של הנשיא עמנואל מקרון. כל מה שמצופה כנראה ממומחה פיננסי שעובד בסיטי של לונדון.
The young prince doesn't really bother to express himself on social media. Of course, he takes seriously the annual ceremonies at Invalides in Paris – where Napoleon I is buried – but does not promote an agenda for the restoration of the monarchy. One of the few posts on Jean-Christophe's open Instagram account is a short video showing him alongside President Macron and his wife Brigitte at a ceremony marking the bicentennial of Napoleon I's death. A direct descendant of Napoleon, Jean-Christophe played the role of host at that event.
Jean-Christophe – or Jean-Christophe Louis Ferdinand Alberic Napoleon Bonaparte – is a nobility on every side, however you look at it. Beyond Napoleonic pedigree, he is descended from the Bourbons, the Orléans, the Belgian royal family, and the Habsburg royal house of Austria. After studying at Harvard Business School, Jean-Christophe went to work in London, at a well-known investment house.
In general, his life is before and before in the British capital, that is, on the other side of the Channel. Of course, young Napoleon doesn't really expect to one day become king, or emperor. This lowering of expectations does not prevent the "Giant Prince" (198 centimeters high, at least two heads above the original Napoleon...) from living the life of the Jet Circle. His wedding photos four years ago swept the tabloids in Europe, as did the announcement of the birth of his first son a year ago, "a new heir to the Bonaparte dynasty."
Despite Brexit, which cooled relations between Paris and London, history buffs will say that it is no coincidence that our Prince Napoleon lives in the British capital.
In 1870, the French decide to impose a republican regime in France, forcing the last monarch, Napoleon III, into exile in England. His only son, Prince Philip, hopes to make a name for himself and prove himself on the battlefield. He asks the Austrian emperor to join his army to fight against the Turks, but the Austrian emperor refuses.
The entrance gate to the Palace of Versailles, photo: AP
The imperial prince does not give up, he begs Queen Victoria to let him fight in the ranks of the British army, and eventually joins the British forces fighting in South Africa against the Zulu tribe. The saga ends in tragedy. The British flee from the fierce Zulu warriors. The prince's leg gets stuck in the horse's harness, and he falls. Dozens of Zulu warriors attack and kill him, as well as the Bonapartists' hope that the imperial prince will revive the dynasty. French ambassadors to South Africa usually visit the site of the prince's fall on the anniversary of his death. The Bonapartists of now hope that one day the body of the tragic prince will be returned for burial in France.
Nobility obliges
The French Revolution cost the aristocratic families blood. In fact, most of those who survived were the same people who managed to escape from France to England. Since the revolution of 1789, the term king has become a red sheet in the eyes of most Frenchmen, and the public education system has been careful for generations to instill in students the "values of the republic." Titles of nobility are still passed down from father to son, but they have no legal meaning. Still, for a certain stratum of the public, the tiny bondage word "da" in someone's family name is of enormous importance, marking its owner as a member of a noble family. A kind of French snobbism.
To put it simply, a prince is more important than a duke, who is more important than a marquis, who is more important than a count, who is more important than a wicket, who is more important than a baron. In France, titles of nobility have not been officially handed out for a hundred and fifty years, but noble families are very strict about the rules of succession to titles. For example, Louis de Bourbon's son – also named Louis – has been honored since birth with the title of Duke of Bourgogne.
Jean d'Orléans' eldest son, Gaston, is honored with the title of Prince of Orléans. Royal families and historians closely monitor the distribution of titles. France doesn't have a title police, but heritage is binding. The aristocratic families in France are all related by blood and marriage with other European noble families, and it is probably no coincidence that Prince Napoleon married Olympia, a member of an Austrian-Bavarian noble family, and the great-granddaughter of the last Austro-Hungarian emperor.
The French's love-hate relationship with royalty and aristocracy also occasionally pops up in the political system. French media went wild in 2016 when MP Marion Marshall Le Pen — niece of far-right leader Marine Le Pen — attended a conference of royalists. President Macron's opponents, for example, often paint him with a crown on his head, and this is not a compliment. Regardless, in a sort of joke of history, the French president also traditionally bears the title of "joint prince" of the neighboring principality of Andorra, and is supposed to visit his "kingdom" at least once in each mandate.
Like Jean d'Orléans, Louis de Bourbon is wary of publicly calling for the restoration of the monarchy, as this is not "politically correct." His approach to this possibility is subtle and cautious. "As the legitimate heir to the kings of France, the prince is at France's disposal if it wishes to return to its traditional regime, which at the time made it a great nation. He supports the restoration of the monarchy, insofar as it can help France cope with the challenges of the 21st century," Louis de Bourbon's secretariat tells us. It is clear to him, like the other two heirs, that the model of absolute monarchy is irrelevant today, but a constitutional monarchy - why not? After all, no one suspects that Britain, for example, with its King Charles and the many princes and princes there, is not a stable democracy.
"The institution of monarchy has proven itself over the centuries. Some see it as a rigid and change-proof institution. But in truth, its ability to change and adapt to new times can make the institution of the monarchy a versatile tool in the service of France and the French, no matter what period we are in. In the last eight centuries, the monarchy has changed and evolved. From a feudal kingdom to a monarchy under a constitution. If the institution of the monarchy is restored and restored, it will undoubtedly adapt to the spirit of the times," Louis de Bourbon said in a statement.
And he has other reasons. "The royal years were undoubtedly France's golden age. The monarchy, you might say, 'shaped France.' Historians admit this. The monarchy is the longest form of government in the history of France. We are talking about almost 1,000 years, which include our richest moments of glory, as evidenced by the Palace of Versailles. The monarchical principle still appeals to the French. After all, we see how the French eagerly follow the news of royal families in Europe, especially among our English neighbors and Monaco. It is clear that a monarchy will bring stability, unity and a renewed attachment to heritage – the functions that France so desperately needs."
The Israeli Connection
Israel and Judaism are sensitive issues for our three heirs. At the end of the 19th century, in the midst of the Dreyfus Affair, a nationalist movement called Action Française ("French Action") arose in France. Under the influence of the conservative thinker Charles Moraes, this anti-Dreyfusar movement became a royalist group, painted with anti-Semitic overtones. During World War II, the group's anti-Semitic terminology increased.
Gérard Paul claims that in the years after World War II, the movement disavowed its anti-Semitic agenda, but a quick Google search reveals a more complex reality. Extremist groups, especially within the movement, are still associated with well-known anti-Semitic figures and Holocaust deniers.
The movement as a whole continues to fly the royal flag, and it can be said that this is the main platform today for supporters of the monarchy in France. Its members – between three and four thousand activists, Gerard Paul estimates – see Jean d'Orléans as the real heir. In the last week of August, the movement organized a summer camp for about 400 young people. "Young people are interested in monarchy because they feel distant from our political system. They are tired of the deep social rift and are looking for a new ideal."
But what exactly is this new ideal? "The anti-Semitic agenda at the time, during the Dreyfus era, was mainly related to the movement's Catholic identity. They sought to reduce the influence of the Jews. But all this, of course, is behind us. In recent years, we have been conducting a dialogue with influential French Jews such as the lawyer William Goldendal and the journalist Elizabeth Levy," Gérard Paul tells me.
"The French are eagerly following the news of the royal families in Europe, especially among our English neighbours and Monaco. It is clear that a monarchy will bring stability, unity and a renewed attachment to heritage – the functions that France so desperately needs."
It is important to qualify his words. In France, the Action Française movement is identified with the hard right, and the French Jewish community in general distances itself from them like fire. Not because of the monarchical policies they promote, but because of the movement's nationalist views, especially against Muslims in France. On the other hand, the Jewish community is not opposed to ties and dialogue with potential heirs. Community leaders, for example, welcomed the visit two years ago of Jeanne d'Orléans, his wife and five children to the Ohr HaTorah Jewish school in Toulouse. The same school that lost three of its students and a teacher in a serious terrorist attack in 2012.
Louis de Bourbon has never visited Israel, but he makes no secret of his desire to visit us. Louis IX - "his idol" - was one of the most devout monarchs in France, until he was nicknamed "Saint Louis". But this piety cost us Jews blood. Under Louis IX, the Talmud was burned in Paris, and the Jews of France were expelled from all the king's estates. In one of the two crusades conducted by Louis IX, he arrived first in Acre, and then in Caesarea. The remains of the impressive fortification wall erected by Louis IX in Caesarea, with their towers and arched portholes, can be seen to this day, during a visit to the archaeological park.
"The prince, like all Catholics, has a great affinity for the Holy Land. These are the roots of our religion and the foundations of our civilization. Like all those who have not yet arrived there, the prince dreams with all his might of visiting Israel," Louis de Bourbon's secretariat tells me. The Duke of Anjou, it turns out, is now waiting for someone here to pick up the gauntlet.
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