Status: 24.10.2023, 10:20 a.m.
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Chinese leader Xi Jinping. © Huang Jingwen/Imago
In the Ukraine war, China is holding back in the search for a political solution. The situation is different in the Middle East conflict. Here, shortly after the Hamas terror, the country launches a diplomatic blitz.
BEIJING – Chinese leader Xi Jinping last week called for an immediate ceasefire in the war between Israel and Gaza. During a meeting with Egyptian Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly in Beijing, Xi said for the first time since the beginning of the conflict that the establishment of an independent state of Palestine through a two-state solution was "the fundamental way out" of the conflict.
A few hours later, China expressed its "deep disappointment" with the United States, which had vetoed a UN Security Council resolution calling for a humanitarian pause in the fighting.
In this way, it became clear how Beijing is trying to achieve two important diplomatic goals: it wants to strengthen its status as a champion of the developing world, and at the same time position itself as a superpower that can compete with the United States in a multipolar world, receiving some notable support in the process.
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The day before, Xi had received Russian President Vladimir Putin in Beijing. Both have made it clear after the attacks that they distance themselves from Western-led support for Israel.
Since the October 7 attacks on Israel by the Palestinian militant group Hamas, which controls the Gaza Strip, China has been unusually willing to offer itself as a peacemaker.
In Russia's war in Ukraine, Beijing held back for a year before publishing a proposal for a political solution. Now, within days of the attacks, it has launched a diplomatic blitz, calling itself a "friend of Israel and Palestine."
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi immediately called for an "international peace conference" to find a solution to the conflict between Israel and Hamas, and Beijing sent a senior diplomat to the Middle East last week. Zhai Jun, China's special envoy for the Middle East, promised to engage in "impartial mediation and mediation."
Despite Beijing's long-standing concern about terrorism, China has refrained from using this terminology in official statements when referring to Hamas' attacks. Unlike the United States and its allies, China has stated that Israel's retaliatory strikes on the Gaza Strip went beyond what is acceptable under international humanitarian law.
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What is the history of China's relations with Israel and the Palestinians?
After a brief attempt to establish relations with Israel in the early years after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, China openly sided with the Palestinians and Arab nations in the mid-1960s, when Mao Zedong's government supplied weapons to Palestinian fighters and promised them unwavering support.
After Mao's death in 1976, China began to open up to the world and soften its position. In 1992, it normalized its relations with Israel and began a period in which it tried to maintain good relations with both sides of the conflict. Chinese diplomats worked out proposals and called for talks, but they rarely got bogged down in negotiations, in line with Beijing's claim of "non-interference" in other countries' affairs.
Under Xi, who rose to the top of China in 2012, this policy has gradually given way to efforts to woo the Arab states and offers to mediate between Israel and the Palestinians as China's economic footprint in the Middle East has grown.
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas signed a strategic partnership with Xi in June. In return for Chinese aid, Abbas declared that China's security measures against the Muslim-majority Uyghurs had "nothing to do with human rights" but were aimed at "eliminating extremism."
What did China say about the October 7 attacks on Israel?
Chinese officials have not yet directly condemned Hamas for the rampage, in which the militants massacred at least 1,400 people and kidnapped nearly 200, according to Israeli authorities. They have even avoided even mentioning the militant group that rules the Gaza Strip, instead saying that they oppose harming civilians in what they call the "Israeli-Palestinian conflict."
Their criticism of Israel, however, was much more direct. Wang denounced that Israel "goes beyond self-defense" and called for an end to the "collective punishment of the Gaza people."
China's top diplomat has also ratcheted up rhetoric regarding Beijing's preferred two-state solution. "The Jewish people are no longer homeless in the world, but when will the Palestinian people return to their homeland?" he said last week. "The injustice against Palestine has been going on for more than half a century now. The suffering that has plagued generations must not continue."
What interest does China have in the war between Israel and Gaza?
For decades, China stayed away from the intractable conflicts in the Middle East, but that has changed in recent years. Beijing has sought to combine its economic influence with growing political clout. This change is partly to protect Chinese business interests, but also to support Arab countries in China's efforts to reshape the world order in its favor.
"The fact that Palestine is such an emotional and explosive political issue in the Middle East means that China's rhetorical support for Palestine appeals not only to the Palestinians, but also to the other Arab countries that want the support of a great power on this issue," said Jonathan Fulton, a non-resident fellow at the Atlantic Council, a think tank.
China has promised to send food, medicine and other humanitarian aid to Gaza through the United Nations, but has not provided a breakdown of the funds provided.
How have Israel and the Palestinians responded to Beijing's offers?
Beijing may have a far greater economic interest in maintaining good relations with Israel – China is the country's largest trading partner after Saudi Arabia – but it has long sided with the Palestinians, which is part of a broader stance of support for the people of formerly colonised countries against what is perceived as Western oppression.
Israel has largely rejected China's efforts to present itself as an impartial mediator. "When people are being murdered and slaughtered in the streets, this is not the time to call for a two-state solution," Yuval Waks, a senior official at Israel's embassy in Beijing, told reporters on Oct. 8, the day after the Hamas attacks.
While Israel remains skeptical, the Palestinians are open to Chinese involvement. "Palestine trusts China" and welcomes its constructive participation in the talks, Palestinian Authority Foreign Minister Amal Jadou said in a phone call with Chinese Special Envoy Zhai earlier this month.
Can Beijing do anything to end the fighting?
Beijing's readiness to speak out and actively work towards a solution to the conflict reflects the new confidence in its ability to resolve regional disputes.
Beijing has helped put the finishing touches on an agreement in which Iran and Saudi Arabia agreed to resume diplomatic relations. Then-Foreign Minister Qin Gang then offered to host a new round of peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians.
Beyond the Iranian-Saudi deal, however, Beijing's growing interest in the role of global peacemaker has had limited success. Beijing's proposal for a peaceful settlement of the Ukraine war has not been well received, not least because Ukraine does not see Beijing as impartial. The sudden disappearance of Qin and his subsequent dismissal from the post of foreign minister did not help to spread the message of stability intended by Beijing.
China's foreign ministry has declined to comment on whether it will use its influence on Iran to try to keep Hamas at bay, and it has little experience working directly with the militant group.
What role does this play in China's broader geopolitical goals?
For China, the crisis is an opportunity to establish itself as a negotiating partner in the Middle East, vis-à-vis the United States in an area where Beijing lacks experience, to gain ground and strengthen partnerships with Russia and the entire Arab world.
China's calculus could change as the fighting escalates, analysts say, but for now, it seems to see the current flare-up of violence as an opportunity to strengthen its influence in the region vis-à-vis the United States.
"The way this is playing out is not necessarily bad for Beijing," Fulton said. "If it remains a Hamas-Israel conflict, China can rhetorically support the Palestinians, criticize Israel, and score points with the U.S. in the process, without compromising its larger strategic interests in the region."
What is the basis for China's views on Israel and Hamas?
To explain China's attitude toward Hamas fighters, Zhu Weilie, a veteran Chinese Middle East expert, goes back to the 2006 Palestinian parliamentary elections, when the militant organization won a majority.
"Hamas has its radical side, but it is a legitimate organization in Palestine and is recognized by the Arab countries," said Zhu, a professor at Shanghai International Studies University. "It is not up to foreigners or other countries to define them as a terrorist group."
About the author
Christian Shepherd is China correspondent for The Washington Post, having previously covered the country from Beijing for the Financial Times and Reuters.
Adam Taylor in Washington contributed to this report.
We are currently testing machine translations. This article has been automatically translated from English into German.
This article was first published in English by the "Washingtonpost.com" on October 22, 2023 - as part of a cooperation, it is now also available in translation to the readers of IPPEN. MEDIA portals available