The other afternoon I jumped into Metula. I wanted to see what the colony looks like after 100 days of fighting and siege, and with more than 100 houses hit by Hezbollah fire.
The trip to Metula, in its last part, is completely visceral. At Gibor Junction, soldiers prevent passage north, and at Tel Hai Junction, high walls were erected to block anti-tank missiles. Metula itself is almost completely abandoned, except for the alert squad that operates from the operations room. Council head David Azoulay has been sleeping on a mattress for three months to closely monitor the campaign. On Fridays, he cooks himself for those who remain in the colony: a pot of Moroccan fish ("one spicy and one for Ashkenazim"), schnitzels, matbucha, roasted eggplant and pickled lemons. "Put everything in challah and eat."
The Dimensions of the Disaster at Kibbutz Be'eri (Archive) \\ Oren Ben Hakon
Azoulay wonders how the campaign in the north will end. The young people who left had already settled in alternative housing. Some will get used to it and won't want to come back. This is also the case in other localities. He fears that the north will weaken. Two solutions are needed, he says: one is security – to keep Hezbollah away from the fence; The second is civilian - to strengthen the north. Infrastructure, education, health, welfare, sports – anything that will make people want to live here.
Hamas attacked the Gaza envelope on 7 October, but shockwaves are clearly felt in all parts of the country. It didn't just hurt security: it hurt the sense of security. The safest place, home, has become a death trap. This, and the knowledge that our army, the strongest and best in the world, did not come to help. This sense of abandonment and the helplessness that accompanied it permeated every Israeli. It is still felt today in the south and north, but also in Kfar Saba and Beit El and Ashdod.
Ruins of Kibbutz Be'eri (archive), photo: Moshe Shai
Hamas achieved many times more in this offensive than it dreamed of doing. In fatalities, abductees, damage, and especially in consciousness. He dealt Israel the worst blow in its history, and showed that it was more vulnerable than its enemies and friends had imagined. Worse, he has embroiled it in every possible way: in the south, but also in the north and deep (Yemen, Iraq, Iran), in the international arena (from the UN to The Hague), in world public opinion, and in the sharp rise in anti-Semitism and anti-Israelism around the world. And that's without mentioning the enormous economic cost: the direct cost of the war and the indirect cost of rebuilding people and property, the erosion of the shekel, the huge deficit, the decline in GDP and the plunge in tourism.
All this happened because of an eclipse originating in hubris. The IDF failed in intelligence, and in defense. He was convinced that he knew everything, understood everything, knew how to handle everything. The government has failed to conceive and find solutions, especially in the belief that it is possible to break the Israeli spine without cost. The legal legislation that tore Israel apart signaled to its enemies that it was more fragile than ever. The strategic warnings issued by the defense establishment in this context were justified: it is unfortunate that they were not accompanied by the necessary closing of intelligence and operational gaps.
"The reserves have proven more necessary than ever," Photo: AP
The devastating blow of Black Sabbath threw Israel out of balance. Its leaders, who failed, embarked on a campaign of revenge. There is no dispute that this is a war of no choice, which is unjustified. One has to wonder about how its goals were formulated, and how Israel intends to achieve them. After 100 days, Israel is far from defeating Hamas, eliminating its leaders, releasing the 136 abductees, and also solving the Hezbollah problem in the north, without mentioning its unwillingness to shape its own future. That is why it also finds itself with more questions than answers, with growing international criticism, and with mismanagement that often prioritizes petty politics over national interests. The popcorn pulled out at the last cabinet meeting is the essence of the wretchedness with which small, old, ridiculous politics continue to run Israel at a time when society is crying out for something different, better.
There will be a system refinement
The 100-day war will inevitably bring with it a system overhaul. The top echelons of the IDF will go home, from the chief of staff, through the avenue of command in the Southern Command, in the intelligence, operations and strategy divisions. The Shin Bet leadership will also go home, from the head of the organization to the top echelons of the southern region. As for the political leadership, it seems that this will not happen without public protest: those who have not recognized their responsibility until now are doubtful whether they will recognize it in the future. Anyone who did not understand that unnecessary ministries and coalition budgets are old news, and something new is needed, will understand this in the tsunami that will wash over the streets here.
"The government failed to conceptualize and find solutions", Photo: Amos Ben Gershom / GPO
But this war also brought with it quite a few bright spots. Social resilience after a year of civil war is the most prominent. Good citizens from every corner showed up and volunteered to help, often at their own expense. Reservists who showed up without asking, and their family members who give them resilience. Excellent medical teams, and powerful municipalities and councils dealing with an unprecedented situation, and with a central government that often fails rather than helps.
The war also provided answers to some controversies. The reserves, for example, proved more necessary than ever, as did the ground army (with an emphasis on "gray" formations such as armor and engineering) and women's service (with an emphasis on combat roles). Answers were also given to the questions: should regular service be shortened (no), should more soldiers be needed, including Haredim (yes), should the defense budget be significantly increased (yes), should we need blue-and-white agriculture (yes), are the kibbutzim land grabbers (no) or Zionists who give their lives for all of us (yes), and whether the United States is a true friend and a solid and vital and irreplaceable support (yes).
Deterrence is needed more than ever
On 7 October, we learned that while we live in villas, eat sushi and dream of peace with Saudi Arabia, our enemies live in tunnels, eat pita bread and dream of massacring us on the way to Al Aqsa. This is a painful, but important, lesson: the understanding that despite all efforts and agreements, the Middle East remains partly extreme, hateful, violent and dangerous. Therefore, Israel is also required to make a decision in Gaza: in order to make it clear that anyone who opposes it in the future will be decided in a similar manner. This is the essence of military deterrence, which is needed now more than ever.
"A process that ends with the rehabilitation of the communities", Photo: Reuters
This decision is critical in order to enable the second part that Azoulay spoke about, the civilian. Israel is required to rebuild the Gaza envelope and the Lebanese envelope. Stop treating them as frontier areas, and turn them into an envelope of Israel. It's a long process that requires money, but more than that requires attitude. It begins with the return of the abductees, and ends with the rehabilitation of the settlements and the return of the residents. When children run safely on the lawns of Kfar Gaza and Be'eri, planted and manara, we will truly know that we have won.
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