In an article published in this column ("Look Who's Silent"), Michal Aharoni argued that since the passage of the law against nationalist sexual assault that I initiated with MK Yulia Malinovsky, I am not active on the issue, I do not call for a siege on Gaza as long as there are abductees held captive by Hamas, and therefore I have used the law for political or racist motives. The column is detached from reality.
It is no secret that I oppose all humanitarian aid, from flour and water to fuel and medicine, so I will only address the claim that my voice has been silenced.
In recent months, the Health Committee and the Committee for the Advancement of the Status of Women have been discussing the incidents of rape and sexual violence against women (and against men) in the events of October 7. Some of these discussions took place at my request. Thus, for example, from a quick discussion that I submitted together with my colleagues on the subject of "Treatment Response for Victims of Sexual Assault in the Events of October 7," two hearings were held, one in the Health Committee and the other last Monday, in which we held a comprehensive and thorough discussion in which the various ministries, treatment agencies and senior officials were present, who responded to Knesset members from the coalition and the opposition about the various assistance received by the victims, and an update meeting was scheduled to follow up on the correction of the deficiencies found.
At a Knesset conference on crimes against humanity committed by Hamas on 7 October, attended by ambassadors of various countries, I cried out that the world's deafening silence and denial of Hamas' rape stem from politics and anti-Semitism. Other meetings on the matter, in which coalition and opposition MKs attend and thoroughly discuss assistance to victims, regularly absent organizations that attended all the discussions on the law doubling punishment for nationalist-motivated offenses. Most of those who opposed the law filed an opinion against it, arguing that the phenomenon is marginal to non-existent, are strangely absent from the discussions, and are afraid to face the reality that has shattered in their faces. Pride and the inability to admit a mistake cause those who are supposed to have the best interests of the victims at the top of their minds into deep moral confusion, and instead of saying, "We were wrong, but an event bigger than us is happening right now," they entrench themselves in their position.
I understand that among some of the opponents there is deep frustration that is joined by feelings of guilt, but writing against me in a low and false manner is not a proper solution. I note that some of the organizations and aid centers that opposed the law have transcended the controversy, and are full partners in discussions and assistance to the victims.
Most of those who opposed the law against nationalist sexual assault that I submitted, claiming that the phenomenon is marginal to non-existent, are strangely absent from the discussions, afraid to face the reality that has been shattered in their faces
On 30 October, the lobby for the war against sexual abuse was supposed to be established in the Knesset, which I sought to establish at the beginning of my term. The lobby that will be established later will promote awareness, an all-out war against offenders, assistance to victims and legislation that will adapt the law to the current reality. A law I recently submitted together with my friend, Shelly Tal Meron, from Yesh Atid, seeks to prohibit the investigation of the sexual past of a sexual victim. The bill was submitted out of a deep commitment to the issue and to the victims.
I also call on those who fought the law to act on behalf of the victims of October 7, including to come to Knesset committees and deal with the opinion they submitted, which exploded in their faces.
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