The right-wing parties will ostensibly rule in the next Knesset, but the question is which coalition will form the government, and whether it will be subject to the whims of Huldai and Meretz.
An assault entry breaks the structure of the right.
Netanyahu talks with Tibi last week
Photography:
Danny Shem Tov / Spokeswoman for the Knesset
From all the ongoing saga of one election campaign after another, it was already clear that there was only one option for a stable and functioning government - and that was a right-wing government.
In the coming week, the Knesset will probably dissolve, and elections will be held towards the end of March.
Defense Minister Bnei Gantz is unable to change the urge in his faction to dismantle the government and go to the polls.
Any compromise that requires a change in the law will encounter the opposition of at least three MKs from a white brush, and these will prevent it.
But according to recent polls, Gideon Saar's entry into the cauldron breaks the right-wing bloc, which has seemed stable over the past few months at between 65 and 70 seats.
The right-wing bloc returns to around 56, to the extent that it is a bloc.
And the question that will face the voters is whether the government of Gideon Saar-Yifat Shasha-Biton is really a right-wing government.
she does not.
This is another variation of the "just not Bibi" government.
Everything that the right-wing voters dreamed of in the framework of a large and stable right-wing government will not happen.
The Likud had serious concerns this week.
Polls of 27 and 28 seats mean the party loses about eight seats.
In the face of the fears, there are some senior officials close to the prime minister, who are pushing him for elections.
Miri Regev, Amir Ohana and others.
The eight seats that the Likud is currently losing are going to Saar and Levant, who have already fallen to 13 seats.
Both collect many voters from Gantz, Lapid and even from the left.
But the potential coalition led by Bennett or Saar must include Lapid and Ganz, Huldai and Meretz;
Then there are in fact no reforms in the legal system, and all the right will get is the consent of the partners on the left, that there will be no evacuation of localities.
Netanyahu may be building on the fact that as soon as right-wing voters internalize that this is a loss of right-wing rule and a walk into the unknown, voters will return to the Likud, as the "safe house" of the national camp.
Others at the top of the Likud tell him: transfer a budget, avoid elections.
Even after the rotation she will continue to be the strongest and leading man in the government.
Saar's theory is that Netanyahu has been leading the Likud for nearly 30 years, and has failed to recruit right-wing voters scattered across all sorts of parties and unite them in the Likud.
He and his associates make a similar calculation to the current polls, which indicate that the right-wing bloc is devoid of the ultra-Orthodox!
- Worth about 60 seats.
According to Saar associates, he arrives after the Likud election with an ultimatum to join the bloc headed by him, on the condition that they get rid of Netanyahu.
Or checks an alternative patchwork government headed by him.
Who here lacks principles
What connects the Hunter Biden affair to the amendment in the indictment against Netanyahu?
"We need to be aware of what a historical crime and what a disgrace it is not just for the press," investigative journalist Glenn Greenwald said in an interview with Fox 'Carl Tucker, "because once those documents (Hunter Biden documents) were exposed and published, intelligence agents like the CIA Former DNI Director DNI Director James Clapper and Michael Hayden (former NSA Director) issued a letter claiming that the material disclosed was typical Russian misinformation, even though they had no basis for claiming it, which gave the media a license to lie to the public. "On the subject of the Hunter and Joe Biden affair) without a break, and authorized Silicon Valley to impose censorship."
Greenwald's remarks accuse one like John Brennan of engaging in psychological warfare and disinformation against U.S. citizens. Greenwald accused him and his friends of being "all standard professional liars." About two weeks ago, Brennan accused Prime Minister Netanyahu of being "unethical." "Missing principles."
It turns out that the one who lies and lacks moral standards is Brennan himself.
This is not the first time.
As early as January 2017, even before Trump was sworn in, Democratic Sen. Chuck Schumer threatened the then-elected president with whom intelligence services would retaliate.
The tip of the iceberg of a similar story has been revealed here as well.
Earlier this week, an excerpt from the transcript of Uzi Arad's investigation into Netanyahu's files was published.
"We're investigating, of course, the police, if there is a suspicion of crime on a broad spectrum ... of the prime minister's conduct. Okay?"
Said the researcher to Arad.
"... we need to know if there are things ... that you are exposed to, even if I do not need you to bring me the evidence, yes? But things that you are exposed to that for you may be criminal or non-criminal ... and was and we will get the approval "We have to drill here and dig into it with real resolutions, we will do it."
This is the beginning of an indictment attempt.
The interrogee is supposed to feel threatened, the interrogators emphasize to him his closeness over the years to the prime minister, the potential suspect.
The proximity may make him a suspect, as the police and the prosecutor's office made sure to make almost everyone who was in Netanyahu's immediate vicinity a suspect - Gil Sheffer, David Sharan, David Shimron, Yitzhak Molcho, Ari Haru, Nir Hefetz, Shlomo Pilber, Yonatan Orich and certainly some who are missing In the list.
It is a working method of totalitarian regimes.
They are all threatened by bags in the dark, according to the Stalinist technique.
Researcher at the Canadian School of Government at Harvard University, Erica Chenwath, found that there is a numerical formula for when "unarmed rebellion" or "nonviolent strategic confrontation" reaches a critical mass that causes a revolutionary change in a particular state's regime.
This is what they have been trying to produce on the streets of Israel for nine months.
If there is a numerical formula for when the system collapses in the face of pressure, there is probably also a formula for pressure levers that at some point causes the justice system to open investigative files against the prime minister, later make him "suspicious" and finally file indictments in the courts.
One of the levers is an initial investigation like that of Uzi Arad, then leaking sensational transcripts to the media, wild demonstrations in front of someone’s porch, and so the Sokolov Prize winners along with ambitious law enforcement agencies turn the enforcement system into a weapon and incriminate politics.
What the left needs
Haim Ramon's book is a crushing attack on the excessive power of the justice system, while pointing to the gaping space in the political system
Haim Ramon's book "Against the Wind" is the most crushing attack to date on the justice system and the law enforcement system in Israel.
Ramon becomes the stones of the High Court, the State Attorney's Office, the Attorney General and the police.
Ramon // Photo: Oren Ben Hakon
The only question that remains unanswered in the face of the government coup that has taken place in Israel, and that we have been living under for almost 30 years, is why the political system, the elected representatives, the Knesset members, allowed it to happen - and did not take back the power.
Ramon chooses to date the coup in the Pinchasi and Deri affair from September 1993. "In this context, the court ruled that Yitzhak Rabin is not a reasonable prime minister, even though the public chose him," he writes.
"On September 9, 1993 (by the way, five days before the signing of the Oslo Accords), the legal system caused an anti-democratic coup and changed the face of the regime in Israel," he writes.
"Pinchasi's ruling marked the point where the balance of power between the legislature and the executive and the judiciary was violently violated. Since then, the process has only intensified."
According to Ramon, this illegal ruling decided the fate of the Oslo Accords as well as the personal fate of Prime Minister Rabin.
Regarding the lack of a moral backbone for judges in Israel, Ramon quotes my judge Tyman in a television interview from 2008: "The prosecution is full of ego ... the desire to convict at all costs, this ambition, the failures of the police ... with the ambition to obtain a conviction at any cost ... "In some cases, the media has a strong influence (on court decisions), that is, the lobbies and the media determine the fate of defendants ... because of the lobbies, because the judges are influenced by what they will say about them the next day."
Ramon writes as an elected politician who tries to operate within the whims of a whimsical regime of grotesque intellectuals who call themselves jurists, but they are nothing more than walking cartoons that have emerged from Honora Dumia’s drawing albums.
He portrays dark figures of charlatans, who openly say that their fate will be decided by the police investigators and prosecutors and not by the judges in court.
Ramon is the authentic leader missing for the left.
When he writes, "The homeland, my beloved country," you believe him.
He matured as a premature politician.
Today, at the age of 70, the political past is already far behind him.
His biographical-political book is unique in the large volume he devotes to the justice system, and of course to the trial in which he himself was the defendant.
He describes the system on its various sides, not as one that operates by law but as one that regularly places a loaded gun on the table of the political system.
This is a shotgun already more bullets than the Russian playwright Chekhov expected.
The menacing power of the legal-media complex has turned small factions like the Labor Party, led by Ehud Barak, or the Kahlon All of Us faction, into the defensive wall of the High Court and the judiciary. This coalition dependence on frightened politicians has preserved the excessive power of the judiciary. Like Eliad Shraga, Zehava Gal-On, or B'Tselem and Yesh Din organizations, they have become a tool in the hands of Supreme Court justices when it comes to outlining policy and deciding human fates.
And in this context, almost casually, Haim Ramon solves the Yvette Lieberman riddle, which has in fact caused the political turmoil of the last two years.
Ramon states unequivocally that the police and the prosecutor's office persecuted Lieberman for 17 years only to prevent him from being appointed Minister of Internal Security.
"A week before the April 2019 election, Raviv Drucker published a deadly article against Lieberman's alleged criminal corruption. Then, all of a sudden, Lieberman - who was Netanyahu's ally for years - changed his position and did everything he could to thwart Netanyahu's election as prime minister." .
The period of political chaos seems to have halted the popular uprising against the judiciary, and it is taking over more and more governmental powers.
Who even thinks that the Likud faction has 36 Knesset members, but has become ineffective with the Nissenkorn-Hayut-Mandelblit coalition?
A perfect spy
The death of John La Carre brings his readers back to the mosaic of characters and the shadow play he created, based entirely on the truth of agents
At his peak, John Le Cara, who died this week, was worth the Nobel Prize for Literature.
The reference is mainly to "the spy who returned from the frost", "the mole", "perfect spy".
The problem is that especially after the collapse of the Iron Curtain and the end of the Cold War, he continued to write and publish spy books tirelessly or mercilessly.
Books like the last one to come out this year, "Field Man," which had something entertaining but nothing more.
About four years ago, Cara released the autobiographical "Pigeon Tunnel."
In one of the episodes, he describes his meeting with a German terrorist held in a special facility in Israel in the south.
All this as part of the "research" for his book "The Little Drummer", from the early 80's.
In his senses he understood that the PLO, the whole Palestinian cause and figures like the German terrorist, are an important part of the Cold War.
While talking to her, who in the first place was in question because those who allowed him here to meet her were not sure she would agree to talk, I suddenly had a feeling that Kara (David Cornwall) had in fact remained an active agent all his life.
Germany, of course at the center of the ongoing Cold War between the Soviet Union and the West.
George Smiley, who missed one of his first books, was drafted into the service of studying German poetry.
The real character who gave direction to the book saga centered on the character of the retiring agent Smiley, culminating in the 1974 book The Mole, is that of James Jesus Angleton.
Angleton was also well known to the heads of the secret services in Israel for the first 20 years.
He was actually the head of American counter-espionage, and La Cara saw him as a paranoid lunatic, who came very close to believing that all Western espionage services were run by the Kremlin.
He had good reason to think so: his best friend in Washington, with whom he drank for hours every afternoon, was Kim Pilby, the mole inside the MI6 who managed to escape and flee to Moscow in 1963.