Israel's perception of security, which dates back to the days of David Ben-Gurion, the first prime minister, is focused first and foremost, then as it is today, in responding to the existential threats facing Israel.
In the past, these were concentrations of regular Arab armies that threatened to invade its territory, whereas today it is the Iranian nuclear threat that is thwarting multiple efforts.
The missile arsenal owned by Hezbollah and Hamas does not pose an existential threat, as it cannot endanger our very existence, but it can cause loss of life and material damage, disrupt the lives of the country's citizens and impair the proper functioning of vital and critical systems.
Israel also gives its opinion on dealing with this threat.
In contrast to all this, the current security challenge is perceived as secondary in importance.
It does make headlines whenever there is a stabbing or trampling attack, and such people hit us in waves, followed by an imaginary calm.
But it is doubtful whether this challenge receives the attention it deserves, and in any case also a real answer, from the decision-makers in Israel.
But national security is not limited to protecting against existential threats, but its purpose is to provide a sense of security that allows the citizens of the country to maintain a routine of life without fear.
Thus, whenever terrorist attacks make life unbearable, the ongoing security challenge becomes an existential challenge that forces the government to act and respond.
Thus, for example, the infiltrations of the Fedayyon into Israeli territory in the 1950s did not pose a threat to our very existence.
But the fear of the collapse of national resilience and a fatal blow to the routine of life led Ben-Gurion to go to war against Egypt in October 1956 (Operation Kadesh) to bring an end to it.
This is how the Fatah terrorist attacks from Syria against Israel in the mid-1960s led to a deterioration into the Six Day War.
A different kind of arena
Against this background, the question arises as to how Israel should deal with the threats it faces in Judea and Samaria. This surface is really a suicide bombing that knocked down hundreds of casualties and paralyzed life on the streets of Israel.
Documentation of the stabbing attack in Jerusalem // Photo: Police spokeswoman
The transition from isolated and spontaneous threats to organized suicide bombings depends on motivation and desire, and these exist in the Palestinian public and on Hamas, but also depends on operational capability, in which the security forces invest considerable effort and their success in the mission is not self-evident.
Apart from these, there is always a fear of a collapse of the Palestinian Authority's mechanisms, which will lead to anarchy and also to mass disturbances that will increase international pressure on Israel.
The difference between the other arenas of threat facing Israel and that of Judea and Samaria, and it turns out that East Jerusalem also lies in the deliberate ambiguity that Israel cultivates in all that is said in its conduct in this area.
"Do not swallow or vomit"
Judea and Samaria is "here" and not across the border, and in the eyes of large sections of the Israeli public, it is an integral part of the State of Israel, which must even be annexed to it when the day comes. Compared to Judea and Samaria, Gaza is "there" Last year, Israel inaugurated the new ground barrier that separates it from the Gaza Strip, thus sending a clear message that it does not intend to return to it.
Israel, on the other hand, refrains from annexing Judea and Samaria to its territory. Such a move might have provoked international protest, but a large part of the Palestinian population would have welcomed it, out of a desire to integrate economically into the Israeli fabric of life. Israel also has full security control over the territory, while at the same time allowing the Palestinian Authority to operate there.
Although the latter maintains security cooperation with Israel directed against Hamas, it at the same time lends a hand to incitement and fueling an atmosphere of hatred, which constitute fertile ground for violence.
Because the likelihood that a decision will be made in Israel regarding the future of Judea and Samaria is low, Israel is doomed to continue to face the reality of "neither swallowing nor vomiting" in this complex space.
Hope to prevent a flare-up
The Israeli response is therefore to maintain a fragile status quo, and thus the state seeks to maintain stability and prevent waves of violence and unrest.
This is done with the tacit assistance of the Palestinian Authority, which is a partner in the management of the Palestinian population living in Judea and Samaria. - Through the border - to the terror of Hamas or other radical organizations.
But this means that Israel is coming to terms with the reality of whispering embers of incitement and terrorism, in the hope that it will be able to prevent a major flare-up, both of suicide bombings and of widespread riots.
And yet, this is a much better reality than a complete disengagement from the field.
After all, it could become - like Gaza or Lebanon at the time - an arena of conflict in which the landlord is Hamas, armed with a missile arsenal that covers the entire Gush Dan.
For many Israelis, the current reality is also better than granting Israeli citizenship to Palestinians living in Judea and Samaria, a move that Israel will not be able to avoid if it annexes the region to its territory.
Were we wrong?
Fixed!
If you found an error in the article, we'll be happy for you to share it with us
