It's all about insanity, but not necessarily in the derogatory sense of the concept.
Madness was conceived in its historical origins as a word divergent from the dominant one, as a frontal animus against the so-called normality, and for that very reason, truthful.
In classical antiquity, madness was considered as the uninhibited expression of what should not be said, which nevertheless sails mute in the collective unconscious, until it explodes like a volcano and disperses its fiery lava through the sclerosis in the widespread fictional stories.
Madness is a polysemic concept and it is not easy to put down the question: Who is the madman, Alberto Fernández or the astonishing and for so many so disturbing Javier Milei?
It is necessary to emphasize that the term is not enunciated here as a necessary demerit, but as a vector for thinking.
But it can also be connoted negatively.
Are we all crazy in a painful, unbridled sense?
Beneath the controversial surface in Argentina, there are two worlds.
Two tribes. Two enthusiasms, two antagonistic worlds, two planets, two countries.
There is a libertarian frenzy.
It is best perceived in those who walk these paths. There are parties these days, spontaneous, spectacular events, sponsored by the spirit of the self-styled lion who is already president, and people in shrieks manifest their devotions as in unbridled recitals, but not for that reason irrelevant. On the contrary.
This is information. This chronicler confirmed it in situ journalistically.
Beyond or beyond the discussions related to the mega-decree, there is an appearance of many, with socio-political values antagonistic to those that dominated for so long. And they sing and dance and shout.
They are supra-political values: different modes of bonding, of communication, of transformational outpouring.
It happens in meetings, clubs, encounters and embraces of libertarianism.
And on the other hand, there is a preoccupied enthusiasm, opposite and complementary to the previous one, which has already taken to the streets with pots and pans, no less frenzied than those of the effusive libertarians.
The fragmented pilgrimages took to the streets at the moment of the completion of the presidential mega decree. The pots and pans burst like pitchers, and among some a shriek of sad memory resurfaced: "Let them all go."
Looking at the faces of the government's rebuttals, one could feel the arrhythmic throb of fury. The gesticulating faces and the insulting grimaces from the mere plasticity of the frenetic gestures.
There is a social dichotomy that is deeper – it is a hypothesis – than what is being discussed on the surface of the new political battles.
There are two Argentinas, as so often, one state-centric, the other, dispensing with the state.
But it's more than that. It's something else, it's a deep identity that is being played out in the areas most reticent to classical analyses.
Are the leaders of the archaic CGT who have now awakened the resistance sensible?
Is La Cámpora sensible?
At the same time, how much cumulative insanity does inflation express?
It is the symptom of a society, and not only of political society, which has so far found no way.
Is it the delusional symptom of a society, or of a sector of society that is already calling for a general strike in the face of a government that has been in power for days?
The violence in the streets of insecurity, real and virtual political aggression, the predominance of the past and the decadence of the future, as a space open to the greatest uncertainty, overwhelm the general social psychology.
What is the real resistance in the streets to the new government? How many are Protestants? It will be seen over time, but quickly.
Strictly speaking, there is an acceleration of times.
For the time being, the marches continue and multiply, as well as the threats of different tones and all of them shocking in the face of the privatization intentions promised by the ruling party.
There is a very particular paradox. For Foucault, madness was the name given to leisure; The marginalized, the homeless as we would say in contemporary terms, the unproductive were designated insane and locked up or exiled on islands, or prisons or hospitals.
An inverse phenomenon is happening here. The so-called "Madman" in power, considers idle and anti-meritocratic those who conceive themselves normal, because they rest for pay in state estates or for state workers who pay them for not producing.
It is, of course, not fair to call state employees lazy. There are lives dedicated in these spaces to work and effort, but it is also true that the opposite also exists: countless so-called "gnocchi".
Yesterday was a chaotic day because it is also utopian to suppose that a military police straitjacket can be put on public protest from one day to the next.
We are once again going through a historically crucial moment.
Altered Argentina does not cure itself of the alteration, it deepens it.
The agitation, the nervousness, the anxiety, the continuous startle, the fear, suddenly the social panic attack are exacerbated and intertwined with the disturbance produced by everything new.
Is the new threatened by the old?
Or is there nothing new, and the repeated and seisical Argentina continues and persists, dramatic and always senseless?