The complex and protracted but vital task of demilitarizing Gaza, Samaria and Judea is the immediate operational conclusion from the atrocity that has occurred to us in the western Negev. Whatever the political, political, and demographic situation in these places, the principle of demilitarization is a military mission of the highest order for the government, and below it for the IDF and the Shin Bet. The necessity of demilitarizing these places has clear military, territorial and settlement derivatives.
First, Israel cannot cease its military and political elimination of Islamist Nazism in Gaza. The distorted "hopes" recently voiced in the Israeli press that the operation will stall due to a humanitarian crisis and American pressure, or because of the urgent need to rescue the hostages, will eventually be met with the overwhelming political fact that Israel cannot in any way accept the renewal of such a horrific threat. The internal eclipse before and after Oslo and the disengagement will not return. The truces that may occur, or international pressure, will not obscure our recognition of the existential necessity to completely uproot, militarily and organizationally, Hamas from Gaza, and the displacement will continue as long as it continues.
Second, the same logic of demilitarization applies – and equally important – in Judea, Binyamin and Samaria, opposite the northern Negev, the lowlands, Jerusalem, the coastal plain and the Lower Galilee. It is essential not only to demilitarize the "territories" from open and underground murder organizations, but also to rid the Palestinian Authority police of its ability to "turn nests" against us, that is, from its commando capabilities. Third, it means Israeli military rule in the Gaza Strip and military control over Area A in Samaria, Binyamin and Judea. From now on it must be vigorous control, without fatigue as in the years of slack that followed a defensive wall.
Contrary to the distorted perception that has taken root in the security establishment, Israeli settlement is an extremely important contributing condition for effective military control of the "territories," in addition to its importance in itself. But demilitarization will not succeed without a clear separation between Gaza and Egypt, and between a "state-minus" in Area A in the West Bank and Jordan and the Palestinians in the East Bank. Hamas has built its fortress of terror to monstrous proportions, thanks in part to access to Sinai. Prime Minister Sharon decided to withdraw from the Philadelphi Route, lest they say that we surrounded the Gaza Strip under siege and did not withdraw to an agreed international border (which does not exist there). But these baseless claims were made nonetheless, despite Sharon's unfortunate decision. We ate the stinky fish, got flogged and were expelled from the town. We allowed Hamas to barricade itself in the Gaza Strip. The danger is similar in Judea and Samaria and Jerusalem.
Contrary to the distorted perception that has taken root in the security establishment, Israeli settlement is an extremely important contributing condition for effective military control of the "territories," in addition to its importance in itself. But demilitarization will not succeed without a clear separation between Gaza and Egypt, and between a "state-minus" in Area A in the West Bank and Jordan and the Palestinians in the East Bank
Iran is penetrating and agitating (to some extent Turkey, too, in Jerusalem), and the situation there would have been much worse had Barak, and then Olmert, "succeeded" in handing over the Jordan Valley to a Palestinian state. A reasonable degree of demilitarization will be ensured not only by a sustained and consistent military effort (without self-weakening), but also by complete military-operational isolation of the entire Arab population between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea from the hinterland of radical Islam and Arab nationalism in the countries next to us. The principle of strategic separation was Nahalat Eshkol, Golda, Alon and Galili. That is why they spoke of a "security border" on the Jordan River (which was also mentioned in Rabin's last speech in the Knesset), and therefore they settled the Jordan Valley and Gush Katif and the Yamit region. But "security border" is a vague, and therefore dangerous term. While holding onto it, Rabin was dragged to Oslo, and the logic of Oslo – as the slippery slope under Barak, Sharon and Olmert showed – led to the dangerous willingness to give up the Jordan Valley and expel the Gush Katif settlers. Therefore, we are not happy with a blurred "security border" with an "expiration date," which could be a political lever against us. We are called upon to establish sovereignty and settlement on all our borders – on the Egyptian border and in the Jordan Valley, as in the western Negev, Galilee, Golan and Arava.
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