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Opinion | Does this column have any place at all? | Israel Hayom

2024-01-06T14:45:36.247Z

Highlights: Israeli democracy is currently in danger at home, and it is embodied in an amendment to the Basic Law: Judiciary. "It is incomprehensible to me that in the State of Israel people step on posters with the images of the High Court justices and the Attorney General," writes Shmuley Boteach. "If elected officials and members of the security establishment are required to provide explanations, why shouldn't the body with the highest authority be held accountable?" he asks. "We are in a war against a barbaric enemy that has risen up against us to destroy us," he adds.


Although I was warned, I and most of the opinion leaders in the national camp decided not to conduct the debate in wartime and left the arena to the fathers of the omissions • Were we wrong?


Remember the right-wing demonstration in Jerusalem? Then, long ago, in another era, when we thought we were living in a democracy. After that demonstration, Ilan Shiloah, the multimillionaire advertiser and one of the leaders of the protest, tweeted a picture of the pro-reform demonstration alongside a picture from the Kaplan demonstrations and wrote underneath: "The burden - Jerusalem," as opposed to "Those who bear the burden - Tel Aviv." Indeed, Jerusalem at war certainly bears the burden. Blood burden. But that's not what I want to dwell on.

I've been there. hundreds of thousands of quiet, polite and civilized demonstrators who, instead of slogans of hatred and refusal, sang "Am Yisrael Chai"; Instead of anarchists blocking roads - a law-abiding state public; Instead of Palestinian flags and burning draft orders - tallitot and end-of-track shirts. Only what, in the end, they found that a handful of demonstrators who had placed a poster of the High Court justices on the road for the purpose of organizing stepped on it.

Wow, what madness and holy rage flowed from the sane and democratic camp. Gewald, they stepped on a picture. Benny Gantz, who rode the protest as the responsible adult at the time, tweeted, "It is incomprehensible to me that in the State of Israel people step on posters with the images of the High Court justices and the Attorney General." Revenge was served cold. It's incomprehensible how the Supreme Court stepped on us this week. Not that we were really surprised, we got to know the players, and as we know, a legal coup is carried out when the country is preoccupied with tragedy. Last time the prime minister was assassinated, this time a war. Perfect timing for the High Court.

In the first ruling, the Basic Law was annulled, and democracy went to Chen Kugel's clinic to be hospitalized, and in the second ruling, an official was authorized to dismiss a prime minister. The Deepstate celebrated a double victory.

"These days, existential dangers loom over the State of Israel, both at home and abroad. As these lines are written, and since the horrific massacre and atrocities of October 7, the State of Israel has been engaged in a bloody war against a barbaric enemy that has risen up against us to destroy us. These dangers outside were overcome with a strong hand and an outstretched arm.

Israeli democracy is currently in danger at home, and it is embodied in an amendment to the Basic Law: Judiciary, which is intended to bring about a fundamental regime change in the State of Israel."

It's not Rami Ben Yehuda, not even Shikma Bressler - it's Justice Anat Baron comparing existential dangers in his ruling. On the one hand the murderous rapists of Hamas, and on the other Levin and Rothman. And it's infuriating more than anything. This is the mindset of the judges, of the legal elites, and it is not only completely contrary to everything we knew and knew about the Israeli "constitution," but mainly demonstrates total irresponsibility.

Which leads me to a conversation I had with my friend Moshe two months ago. Moshe argued that it was a grave mistake not to raise the responsibility of the judicial system for the October massacre. It cannot be that the person in authority will not be held responsible, Moses said. "If elected officials and members of the security establishment are required to provide explanations, why shouldn't the body with the highest authority be held accountable?"

Put aside all the great concepts, ideological, political and military. There is one thing that has happened in recent years that has enabled the fundamental condition of Hamas's offensive – the security perimeter. The erosion of the security perimeter was a fundamental and necessary condition for the enemy in carrying out the offensive. The enemy trained, prepared, and at the same time anesthetized the system. The erosion of the perimeter was the basic condition for the operational ruse of the bloody attack.

Until 2018, the IDF mandated that any Gazan approaching less than 300 metres of the fence would be fired. Petitions to the High Court of Justice, although rejected, caused the perimeter to wear out and disappear. Make no mistake in rejecting the petitions: they were indeed rejected (as many times), but the responses of the state and the army included tragic concessions following the High Court of Justice review. This is the method. A petition is enough, and the army folds.

How is it possible, Moshe asked me, that the Hamas attack shattered all the conceptions of the left, and that the left, instead of apologizing, attacked? How is it possible that the word "Messianic" has become a curse, and those who since the Oslo Accords have warned of what is coming are on the defensive? How is it possible that those who, in the context of a political debate, deliberately harmed the security establishment through mass refusal, instead of asking for forgiveness, allow themselves to attack?

The problem, Moshe noted, is that I and the overwhelming majority of opinion leaders in the national camp decided not to conduct the debate in time of war, leaving the arena for the fathers of the failures (the left and its media) to run wild. Abandonment of the arena, Moshe warned me, would have serious consequences.

I told him: Forget politics for a moment, the left has lost its outlook, the public has moved to the right, the public wants a Jewish identity. Moshe disagreed with me.

After the first intifada, in its twilight, the Labor Party won the 1992 elections and ran a very right-wing campaign. Rabin said he would not talk to the PLO. The Oslo Accords opened the gates of hell. After the terrible terror attacks that Oslo brought, after the second intifada and all its victims, came the disengagement. Anyone who, like you, thinks that the Left's conclusion now will be different is living in a delusion.

Moshe added: Menachem Begin brought a peace treaty with Israel's strongest enemy, Egypt, and yet they continued to persecute him. During the First Lebanon War, they crushed him and counted dead until he broke down and retired. He had no trial in the Jerusalem district.

The year 2018 is probably the longest year in the world. The question is, do we have the privilege of spreading despondency and an atmosphere of despondency? Do we have a mandate to lower the spirit of the people when soldiers on the front lines sacrifice their lives? Does this column have any place at all?

There are two types of oppressors: the oppressors who mess according to their innocence, and those who do it deliberately, out of pure evil. For example, former IDF Chief of Staff Dan Halutz, who said that the IDF lost and that the only picture of victory would be Netanyahu's ouster. It is hard to escape the terrible thought that in choosing between an Israeli victory over Hamas and the ouster of Netanyahu, the former chief of staff – the most failed in the history of the state but still the former chief of staff – chooses the latter.

The Winograd Commission's report on the Second Lebanon War stated that "former IDF Chief of Staff Dan Halutz is personally and commandably responsible for the fact that on the day of the order he had no plans for an escalation in the Lebanese arena." The mark of Cain of the Second Lebanon War is etched on the forehead of the former chief of staff, who brazenly rolls the disgrace on and is ready for the IDF to lose the battle, as long as the child born 74 years ago in Jerusalem is ousted.

"The problem is with the right, which is not on the field," Moshe told me. Instead of the Oslo left, the security establishment, the media, and the judiciary headed by the High Court of Justice being at the center of the debate over responsibility for the concepts and basic processes that led to the disaster (whose end is still unknown), they mark Netanyahu and evade responsibility.

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Source: israelhayom

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