It's hard to believe, but the Israeli Labor Party chairman urged Donald Trump to delay the declaration of a political plan that would ratify, and hopefully undermine, the political conception of this party in years that it was still relevant, until Rabin's last speech in the Knesset; The political perception of Dayan and Begin in the Camp David agreements; And the political perception of Israel's two major parties today. It is hard to think of a better illustration of the poor state of the Labor party. She was engulfed in dying energy, in "Peace Now" which calculates her days. The Labor Party has lost the will of political life.

Those who wanted to understand how the labor movement, a magnificent Zionist movement, fluttering between life and death - receive here the decisive fact: Since the disgraceful failure of this party's leadership in the face of the Palestinian murders from the Oslo Accords onwards, it has lost the ability to calculate its steps in the face of reality. The variable, has lost the wisdom of her illustrious act, and has become a critical thoughtless factor. She blindly made the assumptions that all the Ionian wing members of the 1949 Border Front had assumed after it had completely taken over during the 1980s and 1990s, and had not yet been released.

Peretz's plea for Trump to delay his plan has folded within her the assumption that any political move with the Palestinians depends on their cooperation. The first to disprove it in practice was Ariel Sharon in disengagement, a partially successful and partially successful and largely painful strategic move. Now, a kind of disengagement, which does not involve a retreat with terrorist organizations, has been brought to fruition and fulfills the best political vision of the mainstream in the labor movement. And what is Peretz's initial reaction? Pious adherence to the Palestinian veto, dependent on the origins of the Palestinians.

"God will take the mind of whoever he wants in our loss." This is an apt Latin proverb for the state of the Labor party today - the loss of practical wisdom. One could argue whether Rabin was right when he decided to join the Persia and adopt a Palestinian orientation to end the war between Israel and the Arabs. Perhaps he was mistaken in his decision that the proper discourse for ending the war and achieving a peace settlement is the Palestinian national movement. Many supported his decision, including this line writer. Rabin, in his last Knesset speech before he was assassinated, hoped the outcome would be a similar arrangement to what Trump is now proposing to us. But the question of whether the Oslo move was justified must be clearly distinguished from the question of how Israel should respond, given the test of the act that revealed the devastating face of the corrupt and failed national movement of the Palestinians.

The failure of the last prime ministers of the Labor Party - Rabin, Peres and Barak - lies in their lopsided response to the fact that the Palestinian leadership was invited to return to Israel and subsequently sign an agreement, while at the same time directly and indirectly conducting an organized murder campaign. As a gambler doubling his bets, Labor party leaders continued to cling to the historic attempt that failed. Even the second intifada, Arafat's response to Clinton's outline, did not detract from Labor Party leaders' historic decision to depend on Israel's political future with the agreement or disagreement of the Palestinian national movement. Amir Peretz is anachronistically and pathetically loyal to that decision, which resulted from proper ambition, but the Palestinians refuted it. Their national movement is unable to abandon the devastating dream of being built on the devastation of the State of Israel. Therefore, she adhered to political conditions that would ensure her ability to advance, if only slowly, her dream of destruction. That is why Abu Mazen fled Olmert and then accidentally and Obama.

Netanyahu may now have succeeded in eliminating the dependence of Rabin and Peres in the Palestinian veto. This is a great achievement, and hopefully it will be established. We have a historical intersection, and many times such intersections illuminate what was not clear before. If anyone is wondering what happened to the Labor Party, Peretz's letter makes it clear: it is fixed and torn. You can't support her now.

Prof. Avi Barali is a lecturer at the Ben-Gurion Institute for Israel Studies and Zionism at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev