Even before electricity faded in the White House air after the centennial plan was presented, the settlers and the right-wing party had already echoed. They declared "annexation - yes, Palestinian state - no." Unintentionally, the program revealed the ideological differences between the right - which is characterized by Likudic terms: right-liberal and secular-religious - and the Likud party.

The Centennial Plan introduces a conscious turn towards a future peace agreement, and it also places a price tag on refusal. It does not uproot localities, but upholds perceptions that have taken root in recent decades in the minds of the nations, Palestinian expectations, and the Israeli left. Applying sovereignty to the Jordan Valley and Jewish communities is seen by recognition of our right to the land and our right to uncompromising security. The plan abolishes the idea of ​​returning to the 1967 borders, is emphatic with regard to Jerusalem, rejects claims of return, and offers the Palestinians an urgent need to meet conditions that, unlike the Arad-Niram stance, do not humiliate the Palestinians, but give them entry tickets to the family of nations. In world history, there is no precedent for a "new people" who, despite his support for terrorism, human rights violations and corrupt exploitation of tens of billions of dollars in humanitarian aid budgets - has been served a state on a tray of money, and with a lot of money.

As a businessman, Trump says complex deals need to be meticulous about nuance. Demilitarization, cessation of incitement and recognition of Israel as a Jewish state are the basis upon which the Palestinians will be able to realize their self-determination, which to this day is based on the idea of ​​Israel's destruction. From now on, the alias of the Palestinian entity is not important, the essence is the determining factor. The Palestinians may not be ready to accept it, but no agreement will succeed if it includes a military entity hostile to Jewish sovereignty.

However, the refusal currency has two sides. The right-wing position, which supports the application of sovereignty but not the "Palestinian state," may be viewed by the Americans as a refusal and as an opportunism at the expense of the peace agreement they conceived. Worse, this position could downplay the achievement of the change in the paradigm presented by the President in relation to the resolution of the conflict. If there is an election, that does not mean there is no tomorrow, and tomorrow leaders from different schools will run the world. A right-wing attempt to make the difference between Likud and the alleged "disregard for the Palestinian state", while ignoring the special essence of the Trump program, is not responsible. It is nice to attack Netanyahu as the first on the right to mention the phrase "Palestinian state" in Bar-Ilan's speech, as Ayelet Shaked did on one of the radio shows recently, but in that speech, the essence of the century plan was also cast. The Palestinians are likely to refuse the Trump deal, but Israel must respond to it as one.

The Likud has already led political processes from an ideology that avoids messianic elements, but is integrated into real-life politics. His vision for the end of the conflict is a sincere and genuine peace that can be realized through the principles laid down by the Centennial Plan.

The gap between the right and the Likud is a question of political flight. When Herzl first arrived in London in 1896, he attended the Hobby Zion Assembly, presenting to them the principles of political Zionism: a settlement that can be defended in a Jewish army, and a right of sovereignty guaranteed by political guarantees. Zionists, who advocated for a Jew and a Jew, and in their acres and more, saw the settlement as the solution to the Jewish question, no matter how long it would take. However, Herzl was a realistic statesman who sought to create policy facts before the facts on the ground. He said of the Lovers of Zion: "Here they are carrying stone after stone to the place of construction and believe that the house will be established ... It is foolish to build a house without the building land being secured to us." Herzl realized that the importance of recognizing Jewish sovereignty by the world's leading political parties precedes its actual founding. For our purposes, the importance of the Trump program is in its principles, and the condition for its plan is the entirety of its parts.

Admittedly, the settlers redeem the land in their own bodies. Their contribution to the transformation of American support should be acknowledged when it comes to annexation. However, purity combined with a lack of political flying can make ideology absurd.

Dr. Gabriela (Algarbali) Brezin is an expert on Arabic and Jewish philosophy and a graduate of Harvard University