Precisely in the most dreamy week imaginable, after the budget transfer and the political summit in Glasgow, six right-wingers managed to put themselves in an awkward chain of media mishaps.
MK Pinto called MK Shikli a "virus", and Avir Kara came to the rescue and explained that a virus "is also a positive thing"; Minister Ayelet Shaked tweeted nonsense about the "Corona Pike disaster", was forced to delete and became entangled in excuses; While a political visit behind his back: This time the Prime Minister, Mansour Abbas, traveled to a meeting with the King of Jordan. Coalition work was silenced, and the next morning Jordanian newspapers announced an important visit to strengthen solidarity with the Palestinian people.
This is just a selection of the pearls provided by the ruling party this week - and above all, the assault case of the coalition chairman, Idit Silman, stood out. It will be said immediately and without reservation: It is also permissible to doubt, or at least to wonder, when facts are not provided or when versions are changed.
Minister Yair Lapid, Photo: Oren Ben Hakon
The conception collapsed
And the reason for the puzzlement is not personal: it stems from the fact that the whole story is used not only to warn against an atmosphere of incitement and danger of violence, but mainly to blame all government opponents.
In the government of change, every opposition is an "opposition to the state."
Any elementary attempt to overthrow the government through the budget is presented as a plot to degenerate Israel into chaos.
Every protest is "incitement" and "disgust," and any criticism of nepotism and the appointment of associates is a "wild attack."
The coalition has gone to war against its critics and marks any opposition to it as undermining democracy itself.
This is an atmosphere that the national camp prefers to forget, but it returns in a big way, this time led by former national camp members, with the tone dictated by Bennett and Shaked.
They understand that the public, especially the right, is simply not with them.
They understand that their conception has collapsed.
By "conception" the intention is to assume that the right will eventually forgive the right for the election fraud, get rid of Netanyahu and accept Bennett, Shaked, Saar, Elkin and Lieberman as the legitimate, fresh and future leadership of the national camp.
It happens less.
Bennett's media encounters with world leaders do not make right-wingers sit back proudly and say, "He's ours, this Bennett."
Minister Ayelet Shaked, Photo: Photo Marcello
The announcements about the new localities in the Negev and the Golan do not impress the people of the national camp, because they know that first of all - the Minister of the Interior will approve the pirates' connection to electricity and recognize the unrecognized Bedouin localities in the Negev.
Lieberman's blatant anti-ultra-Orthodoxism is not well received by Likud-ultra-Orthodox allies, and Saar's personal laws harm the conscience and freedom of choice of more than a million citizens.
This is how the architects of the government-dismantling the national camp sit and see how they and their parties sink in the polls below the blocking percentage - while the Likud led by Netanyahu rises to 35 and even to 36 seats.
But this is only part of the concept: in the bloc of change, they believed that whatever the selfies and tweets "we came to work" would do, the Netanyahu trial would do.
That the current reports from him will embarrass Netanyahu more and more, his associates, his supporters.
But that does not happen either.
True, it will be difficult to find regular and unbiased coverage of the trial in the mainstream media, but social networks are buzzing.
What is happening within the walls of the Jerusalem District Court reveals a frightening picture: the witnesses brought by the prosecution to establish the basis of the precedent charge in the 4000 case do not yet deliver the goods.
Far from it.
One by one, the rickety pedestals on which the prosecution based this unusual indictment, which shook the foundations of the country, become clear.
Next week, Nir Hefetz is expected to testify.
This time the witness will deliver the goods, the prosecution representatives promise in briefings for the concerned reporters.
Really?
According to the publications so far, in his investigations with the police, Nir Hefetz surprised his interrogators by refuting the allegations he made against Netanyahu.
According to recent publications, perhaps driven by a sense of revenge, he sharpened his tone against Netanyahu during meetings with him at the State Attorney's Office.
Just a political move
Much can be said and written about the difficulty of completing an investigation in the prosecution offices while conducting a trial;
This is not how a general prosecution is supposed to be conducted, and certainly these late things of witnesses, said in her offices to the plaintiffs' questions, were not before the prosecution when she drafted the indictment.
But apparently this will not particularly improve the situation of the prosecution.
The gap between the thousands of pages of his confessions to the police and the late and desperate attempt to plug holes in the prosecution's fishing net is transparent.
The intersection of these two processes - the deep hostility of the national government camp on the one hand, and what appears to be a collapse of the 4000 case on the other - could be explosive.
Bennett's only way to make himself relevant and not remain in the national memory as someone whose historical role was to warm Yair Lapid's chair and finally crumble the right, precisely when he is at the height of his electoral power - is through a strategic or political step.
Strategic - like, for example, an attack on Iran: this will probably not happen, certainly not when the policy is "no surprises" and when the foreign minister leads a move of relinquishing Israel's political sovereignty over the White House.
And the second option?
A political move that will turn Bennett from a left-wing position - to his new hero;
From "the result of a political accident" - to the darling of the international community.
Indeed, this line of thought is increasingly based on the circles around the Prime Minister: if we have lost the right-wing "base", at least some Nobel Prize will hang on the wall. These are the materials from which the next Oslo is made.