A term of office "not foreign to the parliamentary system" has been thrown into the air, while there is no parliamentary democracy in which this system is practiced.
The banality with which Israeli democracy is sacrificed on the altar of the media and intellectual position is inconceivable.
The move is so politically unworthy not only that it does not receive the required condemnation, but is carried on the hands and absurdly decided by non-democratic parties, in which the chairman has at least seven seats (Lapid) or worse - no mechanism to replace him (Lieberman, Ganz) , Bennett and the initiator of the law: Gideon Saar.) So what would such legislation really do?
First, political instability, and as a result - blackmail. While in a presidential regime the president receives his authority directly from the people, and the completion of his full term is almost guaranteed and separate from the elections to the legislature - in the parliamentary regime, the prime minister is a product of coalition composition, represented by factions. In such a situation, with an expiration date above the prime minister's head, the coalition partnership's interest would be to burden his tenure, constantly threaten the dissolution of the government and squeeze the most for their stay. The political field will look like a pharmacy. The package easily), less ideology and much more politics, extortion and even corruption.
Second, the more the prime minister may be blackmailed from the outside, the greater his preference for founding non-democratic parties, in which the avenue of Knesset members has unquestionably surrendered in spite of him.
The large, democratic and well-established governing parties will gradually be replaced by many small parties, the whole purpose of which will be to promote the "exit" of one person who is not committed to the public, who in any case can not elect him again.
Third, it will promote "government rule" and further reduce the democratic game.
In a country where most bureaucrats do not change with the change of government, limiting the prime minister's tenure while the entire public system remains constant - means a very limited ability to advance a new policy, even if it won an absolute majority in the election.
This results in a dangerous combination of political blackmail, a collection of ad hoc parties, small and undemocratic, a shaky coalition and a public without a public.
Sound familiar?
The (political) accident of the Bennett government will become the norm.
Those who want to strengthen democracy can propose, for example, the obligation of primaries in parties, or promote regional elections in some of the Knesset seats.
But that is not the purpose of the law, of course.
His real purpose first appeared as early as 2015, when MK Merav Michaeli's bill restricting the prime minister's term came up for a vote and at the end of the vote (when the proposal fell), MK Zehava Gal-On approached Deputy Speaker Nurit Koren, saying: " Madam, I'm here too. "Koren replied:" Wondered.
I closed the vote. "At that moment, MK Yoel Hasson defiantly said:" Zehava, there is a situation in which you gave Bibi another term. "
The real purpose of the law today is given an updated value: to prevent the Likud - the last great democratic party - from ruling for long.
We will summarize the words of MK Elkin, who voted against the bill (with other opponents, including Ayelet Shaked, Benny Begin, Sharan Hashakel and Yifat Shasha Bitton), and called it briefly: "hallucinatory."