When we raise our heads – if we manage to lift – after the extortionate campaign of destruction that the rebellious "former" is waging in the IDF, especially in the air force and special units, we will have to consider repairing the damage.
Israeli statehood, one of the IDF's code of ethics, has recently suffered severe blows at its core: the democratic sovereignty of the citizens and their control, by their trusted representatives, of our armed forces.
This is an immediate political and regime danger, and even a serious security danger, stemming from subversion. The government has no choice but to deal with the clear threat before us. It is not at all certain that the fire in the army will be detected, given the malignant influence of former senior officials who undermine IDF discipline – of unscrupulous people like Ehud Barak, who ostensibly anticipates being called to leadership when the bodies of Jews in Yarkon surface, as he said recorded at Forum 555 in 2020 (attributed to a "historian friend" who shared the sadistic prediction with him).
But even if the chief of staff succeeds in temporarily locating the fire, his task will be to deal with the projection of weakness externally and internally, and to restore public trust in the IDF.
Cries-out against phenomena such as a video depicting a "green" soldier from the ground force abandoned by a "blue" pilot for his support for reform will not help. The defense minister was furious in vain over a mirror placed before the senior command.
To restore trust, and to block the anarchist undermining of democracy and our outward deterrence, more must be done than outrage.
The campaign of destruction of failed and obstructive leaders such as Barak and Halutz and their colleagues requires disciplinary, legal and ideological confrontation. And it requires a structural change in the personnel management of the IDF, the Shin Bet and the Mossad.
From a disciplinary standpoint, the chief of staff must move from containment to niche. The IDF Command will remove from the position of any pilot, officer or soldier who raises a hand on the IDF's discipline in practice, in its actions.
After the impeachment, from the oldest among them must be separated. Young people should be transferred to other positions in the reserves or in the regular army, less "glamorous". If they refuse, they must be tried according to military law.
Legally, the justice minister and the entire government must hold the State Prosecutor's Office accountable: How does it intend to deal with the alleged sedition offenses of a series of "former" losers? If this sick phenomenon is not dealt with legally, we can erase the prohibition of sedition from our statute book and pray to the God of anarchism. Ideologically, we must reiterate the principle of statehood that Benny Gantz, and especially Gadi Eisenkot, rightly laid at the foundation of the IDF's code of ethics.
At its center: the IDF's unquestioned subordination to the elected government. True, there are orders that must not be given and forbidden to execute. But they are far on the edge of the bar. The regulation of relations of powers is not included in them! The government is subject to the law, not to the extortion of the army (the High Court of Justice is also subject to it, by the way, a subordination that to our dismay some judges tend to disavow).
Structurally, we must go back and dismantle the Palmach headquarters that Barak and his destructive partners have renewed outside the army. Ben-Gurion, it should be recalled, did not dismantle the Palmach brigades - Yiftach, Harel and the Negev. Only the tools of political control over them, the Palmach headquarters, were dismantled, thus blocking the ability of the United Workers' Party (Mapam) to control the brigades. The blocking process was completed later, with appointments approved by Ben-Gurion to the IDF's senior command staff.
With the obvious differences, this is what must be done now: not only to stamp out subversion and extortion, but also to examine the policy of screening and promotions in the IDF and the Shin Bet.
It is necessary to make sure that there is no cloning of "with the pilots" in the screening for the Air Force, for example, and to carefully examine the method of screening and promotions throughout the IDF. It is inconceivable that the Air Force, Special Units and Senior Command will have a uniform political character. Without fairness and equality in screening and promotions, we cannot trust them.
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