The ceasefire and the release of the hostages from drugs. They are cruelly addictive as every day we gnaw our nails and wonder who will live and who will die, who will humiliate and who will cheat. They are addictive in their happiness and hope, and every day we tear up from the stories, the hugs, the smiles. Excitement haunts cruelty pursues excitement and hope.
This addiction has no bottom when they hold our people, our children, our elderly, our soldiers. It's too good and too tempting, and our moments of happiness with the abductees who have returned to their family's arms are also drugged. There is a sentiment among the public that is gaining momentum – to return the hostages, both at a heavy price and at the price of a prolonged ceasefire. This sentiment basically goes like this: Give me my children, my parents, my grandparents, even at great cost. The State of Israel has already dealt Hamas a severe blow, especially in the northern Gaza Strip, and is strong enough to strike in the future if required.
This is a terrible mistake. At the end of the ten days of the ceasefire, we must return to fighting, although it will be much more difficult than at the beginning. Not only did the military momentum stop, but the burning public anger also subsided somewhat. There has been a decrease in our vigilance, including a dilution of forces. There has been a decline in the morale of all of us when we see the celebrations of the people of Gaza around the release of the terrorists, and there has also been a decline in our cohesion – especially around the issue of the abductee deals. On the other hand, the enemy actually grew stronger.
Under the auspices of the ceasefire, Hamas was able to renew its command and control on the ground around its forces, and to formulate an up-to-date picture of the situation, including intelligence on our forces. He has returned to conveying governance towards the residents of Gaza – both in the entry of goods and in the transactions of the abductees. He received fuel in bulk, and most of all, his spirits grew stronger and morale rose. The international legitimacy of powerful military action is also eroding, and it will pose a significant challenge to the continuation of the fighting.
Still, we must keep fighting.
The inferno testimonies of October 7 must echo in our minds constantly. The names and photos should be not just a tombstone, but a direction through. Despite the difficulty, despite the horror, we must not only remember what Amalek did to us, but wipe his memory from under heaven.
But the continuation of the fighting is required not because of the past, but mainly for the future. If we desire life, we must abandon the concept of "quiet here and now" that has brought us this far. All these years we have been told that Hamas does not pose a strategic threat to Israel, but only a pesky fly. On 7 October, we discovered that Hamas posed an existential threat to Israel. Not only did intelligence and defense collapse, Israeli deterrence also collapsed that Shabbat.
If we don't defeat the weakest element in the region now, Hezbollah and Iran will take advantage of it in six months or a year. They have patience. Only one thing can prevent the existential threat: the consequences of war. The war in Gaza must succeed in restoring our deterrence, with a historic, military or political achievement. This war should reverberate throughout the Middle East: We are not dealing with Israel.
The blazing public anger has subsided somewhat. There has been a decrease in our vigilance, including a dilution of forces. There has been a decline in the morale of all of us when we see the celebrations of the people of Gaza around the release of the terrorists, and there has also been a decline in our cohesion – especially around the issue of the abductee deals. On the other hand, the enemy actually grew stronger
Therefore, we must continue to fight. To assume that there will be a surprise on Sinwar's part, to prepare tricks and sophistication on our part, and to conduct powerful warfare, despite international and American pressure, which will seek to moderate the power. In the next negotiations for the release of the hostages, we will have to set a condition: only under fire - and only on everyone. After the liberation of children and mothers, humanitarian liberation, we will leave no one behind and we will no longer dance to Sinwar's cruel flute. As a bonus, it would be nice to see the Mossad rehabilitate its capabilities and image, when the Mossad chief stops begging the Qataris for kidnapped trickles.
The war must end with the destruction of Hamas' security and political infrastructure, the Gaza Strip destroyed, the residents of Kafr Gaza and Bari returning peacefully to rebuild their lives in the envelope, without red paint and without exploding balloons. We will no longer live next to Nazi neighbors. We will restore not only the sense of security, but security.
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