The war in Ukraine continues and intensifies to the point of conflict between nuclear powers in Eastern Europe and around the Baltic Sea and north of it.
The fear that pushes Finland and Sweden to accept them into NATO, breaks a neutrality that Sweden has clung to for more than a century, in the two world wars, and motivates Finland to abandon its extreme caution against Russia since the systems between them in World War II.
This development, in itself, proves that the growing cloud of clouds in Europe is a serious global threat.
An important part of Russia's nuclear missile array, for example, is stationed in submarines departing from ports in the Baltic Sea and at bases on the Kola Peninsula in Russia, east of Finland.
If Russia has reacted as it did to Ukraine's gradual accession to the Western sphere of influence since 2014, it is difficult to predict how it will react to an open and binding military alliance between Finland and Sweden and the United States within NATO.
World War I began due to the entanglement of such military alliances, and one of the important catalysts for the two world wars was the fate of national minorities, such as the Russian minorities in the countries now surrounding Russia.
All this threatens Israel not only because we are safe as the peace of the world, but also because we, like Finland, border a Russian army.
Russia's army is located near our northern border, and has an interest in the survival of the hostile and murderous regime of Assad, Iran's ally.
To the Russians, their dominance in Syria is a vital interest, both because of their port in Tartus and because of Syria’s proximity to their soft belly in the Caucasus.
Russia is in many ways also an ally of our enemy Iran, and it is no coincidence that it is the "mediator" who is supposed to help the Biden administration renew the agreement with Iran (the war in Ukraine has apparently temporarily delayed it).
Russia's deep involvement in the agreement demonstrates the problematic nature of our relations with it.
Against this background, it is possible to appreciate Netanyahu's achievement at the time in stabilizing beneficial relations with Russia.
He used the power of Israel for this purpose.
He was also helped by Russian President Putin's historical lesson from the USSR's anti-Israel unilateralism and the damage it did to its influence in the Middle East at the time.
But the acute global crisis and strategic polarization between Russia and the United States will probably reduce the Israeli leadership's ability to maneuver between the two powers in the future. The largest Jewish diaspora is very important to us (although the diaspora in Russia is also important to us!); There are deep and strong political value connections between Israel and the United States;
And there is a substantial strategic alliance between them, which lasted even in the days of a very hostile government to Israel like the Obama administration.
We do not really have the desire or ability not to "choose a side".
This is a situation we have already been in in our political history.
For example: in World War II, of course.
Then, in the Cold War, even if we wanted to, we could not be "unidentified" between the blocs.
But precisely as our ability to maneuver is reduced, it is vital that no frivolous anti-Russian statements like those of our incompetent Foreign Minister, Yair Lapid, be heard.
It is easy and material that he should not be the Prime Minister of Israel in the coming months.
We need much more strategic political wisdom than the current leadership has shown us in the face of the crystallization of an agreement with Iran.
There is reason to fear an unnecessary entanglement of the current government with Russia.
After making the impression that it would not surprise the Americans with its actions in Iran - the government cultivated for Israel an image of a metaphor, and not of an independent state whose sense would be taken into account, thereby increasing the danger on the part of Russia.
Were we wrong?
Fixed!
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