In recent days the eyes are on a storm.
Is he planning a bang, what contacts is he conducting, what motivates him.
Let's start with the tension: the ultimatum of extending emergency regulations in Judea and Samaria, a ritual that usually passes quietly every five years, is a pike ultimatum. The prophecy was given to fools, etc.
This is of course a conscientious drama for RAAM, as well as for Mara'ana, Rinawi-Zoabi and Musi Raz, who will in fact be required to vote in favor of continuing the ongoing maintenance of "occupation", while history has left their door untouched by a steel cane. How can they later preach about apartheid?
Saar, for his part, is convinced that this will happen - and the whispered scenario is that Tibi and another member of the joint will leave the plenum at the moment of the vote.
The law will pass (what a surprise), and Saar will thereby restore something of his sinking position on the right.
Shaked has the settlement ticket in the Galilee and the Negev, Lieberman and Kara have some economic reforms, and Saar has nothing in the meantime - except a headache from the Minister of Education.
So now he will have.
Regarding contacts
The big issue is whether Saar will realize this asset, if it does fall into his hands.
One can notice the clues: after a period of silence and silence on the part of a new hope, Saar returns to the studios.
From ambiguity to prominence.
Clearly Saar is preparing himself to pick fruit in taller trees.
Saar is neither Silman nor Orbach.
He's not on the verge of overthrowing the government, but he knows that sooner or later it will probably happen, and his plan is to get there the most prepared of them all.
The end of the coalition is in sight, and any new rebel may dissolve the Knesset or allow a new government to be formed.
This is the time for decisions and strategy, and the great political riddle is what Saar's outline is.
Publicly, Saar continues to firmly maintain its clear anti-Bibi policy.
This week, MK Michal Shir, Saar's confidant, published an "investigation" into the so-called incitement machine that the Likud operates in the dark against its party leader.
On the other hand, there are more and more rumors and reports of contacts between him and Likud elements.
The goal is to be prepared for the moment after the vote in the first reading on the dissolution of the Knesset, or more precisely: to ensure that there is no second and third vote.
To the question of the questions, the answer is yes.
Saar will be willing, under certain conditions, to sit in the government under the Likud, and even under Netanyahu, but he faces two difficult conditions to digest: a significant upgrade in his status, with the position to which the eyes are fixed is the defense minister.
This is the only way to be rebuilt in public, and especially in the hawkish camp in public opinion.
Apart from the title, Saar demands another thing: an absolute veto on every decision concerning the legal system, and in simple words: the prevention of any real change and reform in the law enforcement system.
Saar is interested in occupying Moshe Kahlon's box as a representative of the legal system in the legislature and the executive.
Like Kahlon at the time, Saar also swore allegiance to the gatekeepers and protected them in his political body.
But while the Ministry of Defense is an easy dowry to supply, blocking moves to curb the legal system is too bitter a pill for many in the right-wing bloc, who will face a dilemma whether to allow the government to continue or to give up reform of the judiciary and law.
And this dilemma is already stirring the Likud's corridors.
On one side stand the proponents of "stage theory," whose position is that Saar's conditions must be accepted, provided the government falls.
It will then be possible to advance the election and run for prime ministerial status.
It is not inconceivable that figures like Yuli Edelstein or Nir Barkat will identify with the position if the issue comes up for open discussion.
On the sidewalk in front are figures who are unable to trust the storm, unwilling to consider cooperating with his people - certainly not with Handel, Hauser and Shir - and mostly do not intend to put legal reforms aside.
This flag, once it has been raised, must not be lowered for them, even at the cost of another year in the opposition.
The contacts take place, the discussions take place, the scenarios are judged.
No one will be surprised.
The genetic option
But Saar is also preparing for the collapse of the Likud option, and like Shaked at the time, he is also working on an alternative channel, and this channel includes a connection to Bnei Gantz.
For Ganz, the legal veto will not be a problem, and it is also possible to fantasize about a double-digit number of seats as a result of the merger.
But even if the number is one-digit, it's not terrible, Gantz will always be able to make Saar act Bennett and squeeze out a prime minister's torch.
Ganz will enter Balfour, and Saar will win a senior case and leave the justice case in his party.
The big minefield for Saar in a possible alliance with Gantz is the necessity for cooperation with the joint list, a matter that has become an almost finished fact that no one is ashamed of.
How will the state duo Handel and Hauser, or the man and Hadar Benny Begin, behave then, and is Saar himself due for an alliance with Tibi, Kasif and Odeh?
These are difficulties that join the great storm riddle that can decide not only the fate of the current government, but also the composition of the next government, but the experience of the past year shows that there is no more taboo.
Until an onslaught of riddles is solved, the rest of the players continue to conduct themselves under the assumption that the hourglass for coalition existence is running out and the back is starting to get closer to the wall.
Prime Minister Bennett and our trustee Matan Kahana strive to assimilate within Yesh Atid.
For them, the people of the common have long been not a mine but a necessary reality.
If Balad is needed to survive - sorry, to unite the people of Israel - then it is a matter of political-national mental supervision, and mental supervision, as is well known, rejects everything.
And a torch?
He is currently busy mainly trying to ensure that he will at least serve as a transitional prime minister, but even near him the day after is already being thought of, and the goal marked is the Labor Party.
Lapid aspires to "drink" its constituents, but on his way to achieving the goal stands Bnei Gantz, who if he arrives strengthened by the storm - may even try a total takeover of Labor chairman Merav Michaeli and the party as a whole.
Were we wrong?
Fixed!
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